RE: BIRD, DECEASED [1970] E.A. 289 -TESTATE SUCCESSION

This is a case on TESTATE SUCCESSION [WILLS] in Tanzania, East Africa.

RE: BIRD DECEASED [1970] E.A. 289, PLATT, J. (this is a case note)

The testator left all his property to his "wife Margaret Bird." The Will also provided for the devolution of the estate if the wife did not survive the testator. The testator divorced his wife. Later she remarried and became known as Margaret Fox. The testator had made one alternation in the Will due to the death of his mother but the clause bequething all his property to "my wife Magaret Bird" was not altered. Margaret Fox applied for the probate of the Will and for dispensation with verification (dispense with the legal requirement of verifying that she really was Margaret).

HELD:
1. Divorce does not ipso facto revoke a Will.
2. As the applicant was the person referred to in the Will as Margret Bird she was entitled to the testator's property.

RE: INNOCENT MBILINYI, DECEASED [1969] HCD 283

THIS IS A PROBATE AND ADMINISTRATION CASE from Tanzania, East Africa: The Issue was the Choice of Law to be applied in the administration of The Late Innocent Mbilinyi's Estate.

RE: INNOCENT MBILINYI, DECEASED [1969] HCD No. 283
Georges, C.J.

The Administrator General applied for directions concerning questions which have arisen in the course of the administration of th estate of Innocent Mbilinyi, deceased. The affidavit in support states out that the deceased, a Roman Catholic by religion and MNGONI by tribe died in an accident on 29/2/1968. Surviving him were his widow ELIZABETH whom he married by Christian rites, three (3) infant children of the marriage, his father, his mother, four (4) brothers and five (5) sisters.

The deceased died intestate and accordingly the succession to his property could be determined either by customary law of the WANGONI as set out in the Customary Law Declaration order GN 436/1963 or according to the law applicable to Christians who die domiciled in Tanzania, that is to say, the Indian Succession Act.

The Widow, through her advocate, contends that the Indian Succession Act is applicable while the father and the brothers and sisters state that customary law is applicable.

Leave was given to the widow and the brother HUSTIENE to file affidavits setting out facts from which the mode of living of the deceased could be inferred. The widow had filed an affiavit. Despite several adjournments to enable him to do so no affidavit has been filed by HUSTIENE or by any of the brothers and sisters.

The widow is a Mchagga by tribe and also a Roman Catholic. She says that she had learned from her husband that he had left Songea when he was about seven years old and had been educated entirely outside the region.

In or about the year 1956 he went to Makerere College, Uganda, where he graduated as Bachelor of Arts in 1960. In 1961 he took up employment with SHELL E.A. LTD. as a Salesman after which training was stationed in Moshi. That very year he was transferred to Dar es Salaam where he met her. In March, 1962 they were married and thereafter lived in Mbeya and Moshi. In 1964 the deceased joined Government service and was in 1967 promoted Deputy Director of the State Lottery.

She avers that the fact that the deceased and herself were of different tribes helped to separate both of them from their tribal backgrounds.

The elders of both tribes appeared to disapprove of the attachment and the subsequent marriage. She states that the deceased had very often expressed his happiness at the fact that they were both Christians and had made it clear that he did not wish to have any of his affairs regulated by customary law. She had visited her husband's family once in 1962 and she describes her reception as cool if not actully unfriendly. They visited again in 1964.

Apart from these visits she was not aware that there had been any contacts between the deceased and his relatives.

As far as she was concerned the deceased relatives were strangers. Neither during the lifetime of the deceased nor after his death had they ever visited her nor had they ever brought gifts for the children or attempted in any way to win their affections.

She states also that the deceased had told her that he had made her the beneficiary under two (2) policies of insurance on his life. These policies are the principal assets in the estate. Neither policy was in fact ever assigned to the widow, but in one of the policies the deceased names her in the application form as his proposed beneficiary.

HELD:

On these facts which are in no way controverted I am satisfied that it can be said that the deceased had abandoned the customary way of life in favour of what may be called a Christian and non traditional way. There is satisfactory evidence that he was to a large extent alinated from his family and that his children had no connection whatever with them. Accordingly I would direct that the law to be applied in the administration of the estate of the deceased should be Indian Succession Act.
(emphasis supplied by me)

KUPOROMOKA KWA HIMAYA YA MAREKANI

Imechangiwa na Mervyn Lobo wa TANZANET
Mervyn1650Lobo
--------------------------------------------------------------
The simple fact is that the US embarked on two wars that it could not afford.
It funded the wars, like all wars are funded, by borrowing money. The difference
this time is that instead of borrowing the taxes from the citizens who have
not yet started working, the US borrowed money from the Chinese.


Iraq was where the US blew up their money in "shock and awe."
Afghanistan, is where they blew up their soldiers. As usual, Afghanistan did
what it does best. Just like the Russians, the British and every invader since
Alexander the Macedonian, the US will eventually come to its senses, declare
victory, turn around, and leave.


The poor US tax payer and those who are not yet US tax payers, will then be
shafted with the bill for George Bush (43) and Obama's most unexcellent
adventures.


The problem with the US is the type of capitalism it now practises.
The capitalism of today's USA is one that can declare a company too
important to fail. These 'declared' companies are then given taxpayers money
to operate. Let me make this clear, the companies that are making losses are
given tax payer money to continue doing so. A second peculiarity of the current
US system is that it now pays .25% interest to those who save their money.
Since inflation is at more than .25% you now get penalized for saving.



Another prime example of how messed up the US is in is seen in the guy
that runs their economic policy. He still insists that dropping money from a
helicopter is an acceptable economic solver. Even Bob Mugabe did not go
that far......


To answer the question in the heading of your post, yes, the US is heading
towards economic doom. This does not mean a quick collapse. As an example,
Great Britain began its economic doom in the 1960's and yet their standard of
life (fifty year later) is far superior to the life lived in most countries today.


Lastly, in all but the last 250 of the past 2,000 years, India and China have
had the biggest economies in the world. As people in both countries
wrestle the economy back from the central govts, look forward to an upswing
in economic activity there. The increase in prosperity of both these
countries will cause the downturn in the economies of others.

MAMLAKA YA BUNGE YA KUMUONDOA RAIS WA JAMHURI YA MUUNGANO WA TANZANIA CHINI YA IBARA YA 46A ya KATIBA YA JAMHURI YA MUUNGANO WA TANZANIA, 1977.

Ibara ya 46A YA KATIBA YA JAMHURI YA MUUNGANO WA TANZANIA, 1977; INAYOHUSU KUMUONDOA MADARAKANI (IMPEACHMENT) RAIS WA JAMHURI YA MUUNGANO WA TANZANIA. katika Katiba ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania ya mwaka 1977 [Cap. 2 R.E. 2002.] Leo hii Ijumaa 22/10/2010) - Somo la Katiba [Constitutional Law]

ZOEZI HILI HUCHUKUA JUMLA {KAMA KILA KITU KINAKWENDA SAWA - ceteris paribus} YA SIKU 150 au miezi mitano.

Rais (Mhimili wa Utawala) anaweza kuondolewa madarakani chini ya Ibara hii kwa tuhuma za aina nne:
- kuvunja katiba ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania ya mwaka 1977.
- Kukiuka Sheria ya Maadili ya Viongozi [Leadership Code]
- Kukiuka vipengele vilivyomo katika maadili yanayohusu uandikishwaji wa vyama vya Siasa yaliyotajwa katika Ibara ya 20 (2) ya Katiba, au
- Amekuwa na mwenendo unaodhalilisha kiti cha Rais wa Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania.

1. Ili kuanzisha mchakato huo inahitaji idadi ya asilimia 20 (20%) ya Wabunge waliopo wafikishe Notisi ya maandishi na kuiwasilisha kwa Spika. Siku 30 zipite kabla ya kikao cha kujadili hizo tuhuma:

2. Baada ya kupita hizo siku 30, MTOA HOJA ATAIWASILISHA BUNGENI.

-Aidha tuhuma zitupwe au
- Wapendekeze kuunda Kamati ya Kuchunguza tuhuma hizo.

3. Bunge litapiga kura ili iundwe Kamati ya Kuchunguza tuhuma hizo; lakini kura hizo lazima zifikie au zizidi theluthi mbili ya kura zote. Kama ndio,

4. Spika anatakiwa kutaja majina ya Kamati ya Uchunguzi chini ya Ibara ya 46A(4) ambao ni:
(a) Jaji Mkuu (Mwenyekiti)
(b) Jaji Mkuu wa Zanzibar
(c) Wajumbe saba wanaoteuliwa na Spika; kwa kuzingatia Kanuni za Bunge na Uwakilishi wa Vyama vya Siasa Bungeni.

Matokea ya No. 3 hapo juu chini ya Ibara 46A (5) ni kwamba

- RAis anasimamishwa kazi
- Vivyo Ibara ya 37 (3) inafanya kazi. (Edapo Rais hatakuwepo madarakani wakati huo)

Jambo hili la kumsimamisha kazi Rais litaendelea hadi hapo Spika atakapomfahamisha Rais juu ya matokeo ya uchunguzi uliofanywa [Ibara ya 46A (5)]

Na. 4 hapo juu Kamati inapewa siku 7 kukamilisha uchunguzi wake na kumpa fursa Rais ya kujieleza [Ibara ya 46A (6)]

Kamati ya uchunguzi inapewa siku 90 kukamilisha ripoti yake na kuiwasilisha kwa Spika.

Ibara ya 46A (8) - Spika anawasilisha Ripoti ya Uchunguzi kwa Bunge

Ibara ya 46A (9) - Bunge lenye idadi isiyopungua theluthi mbili litajadili Ripoti hiyo na kumpa Rais fursa ya kujieleza.

Bunge linatakiwa liibuke na aidha ya majibu yafuatayo:

(i) Kwamba tuhuma zimethibitishwa.
(ii) Kwamba Rais hafai kuendelea kufanya kazi
(iii) Kwamba Rais hafai kuwa Rais
(iv) Kwamba tuhuma hazikuthibitishwa.

Ibara 46A(10) - Baada ya hilo kufanyika, endapo ni (i) Rais wa Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania anatakiwa kuachia ngazi (resign) ndani ya siku tatu.

MCHAKATO HUO WOOOOTE ULIOTAJWA HAPO JUU UKIFUATAWA KAMA UNAVYOTOLEWA kisheria unatakiwa kumalizika ndani ya siku 150 sawa sawa na miezi 5 kamili.

JAMANI, HILI KWELI LINAWEZEKANA AU IBARA YA 46(A) ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa TAnzania imewekwa kiini macho tu kwa sisi walalahoi wa Tanzania tuendelee kuota kwamba tukifanyikwa kinyume na Ibara hii basi rais ataendelea kupeta tu???????? Nasema hivi kwa sababu mchakato mzima ni mgumu na hauna mwelekea wa kufanikiwa hasa ikingatiwa idadi ya wabunge husika wa mchakato huu!!!!!!

TUANGALIE UTARATIBU WA MAMLAKA YA BUNGE KUMUONDOA MADARAKANI (REMOVAL) RAIS, PIA KWA SABABU HIZO HIZO HUKO KATIKA NCHI YA JAMHURI YA AFRIKA YA KUSINI (REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA)
Ifahamike wazi hapa kwamba Kumuondoa Rais kwa Katiba ya Jamhuri ya Tanzania ni "impeachment" wakati katika Jamhuri ya Afrika ya Kusini ni "Removal". Haya ni maneno mawili tofauti japokuwa matokeo au hatima ya michakato yake ni moja; ya kumuondoa mtu madarakani.

Chini ya Katiba yao ya mwaka 1996; Sheria Na. 108 ya Jamhuri ya Afrika ya Kusini; Ibara ya 89 (1) inasema hivi Kiingereza:

"The National Assembly by a resolution adopted with a supporting vote of at least two thirds of its members, may remove the President from office only on the grounds of -

(a) a serious violation of the Constitution or the law;
(b) serious misconduct; or
(c) inability to perform the functions of office.

Tafsiri ya Kiswahili ya Ibara hiyo ni hii hapa:

"Bunge linaweza kumuondoa rais madarakani kwa kutoa Azimio litakayokubaliwa kwa kupigiwa kura na angalau theluthi mbili ya wabunge wote. Rais anaweza kuondolewa madarakani kwa sababu zifuatazo tu:
(a) Kosa kubwa la Kuvunja katiba ya nchi au sheria;
(b) Mwenendo unaodhalilisha [serious misconduct]
(c) Kushindwa kutekeleza majukumu yake ya kazi ya ofisi hiyo.

Ibara ya 89 (2) inasema kwamba yeyote atakayeondolewa chini ya Ibara ya 89 (1) kutokana na sababu (a) au (b) anaweza kunyimwa mafao yote yaendanayo na ofisi hiyo; na pia anaweza kupoteza sifa ya kufanya kazi katika wadhifa mwingine wowote ya umma.

Vipengele hivi katika Katiba ya Jamhuri ya Afrika ya Kusini havitaji muda wowote kutoka kutolewa Azimio hadi kumuondoa madarakani. Kwa maneno mengine, jambo hilo linaweza kufanyika ndani ya muda mfupi iwezekanavyo.

Ibara ya 35 (3) ya Katiba ya Jamhuri ya Afrika Kusini, inayozungumzia haki za mshitakiwa inasema kila mtuhumiwa ana haki ya kupata kuhukumiwa ipasavyo; inayojumlisha haki ya:

(a) Kufahamishwa kosa lake kikamilifu ili aweze kujitetea
(b) Kupewa muda wa kutosha na nyenzo za kuweza kujitetea.
(d) Kupata haki ya kusikilizwa kwa wakati bila kucheleweshwa(zote hizi ni sehemu ya haki ya Kusikilizwa kikamilifu)

Kwa hiyo vipengele hivi vitatu vikifuatwa barabara, hata hivyo, nina hakika haitachukua siku 150 kwa shauri hilo kufikia tamati. Yawezekana pegine kuchukua mwezi mmoja au miwili, bila shaka kutegemea na shutuma zenyewe na uendeshaji wa kesi hiyo.

TAMKO LA FEM-ACT KUHUSU TISHIO LA SERIKALI DHIDI YA TAMWA NA VYOMBO VYA HABARI TANZANIA

TAARIFA KWA VYOMBO VYA HABARI - Posted here on 23/10/2010

TAMKO LA FEMACT KUHUSU TISHIO LA SERIKALI DHIDI YA TAMWA NA VYOMBO VYA HABARI 21/10/2010

Sisi Mashirika yapatayo 50 yanayotetea Usawa wa Kijinsia, Haki za Binadamu, Maendeleo na Ukombozi wa Mwanamke Kimapinduzi (FemAct) tunalaani kauli ya Katibu Mkuu wa Wizara ya Habari Utamaduni na Michezo, kuwatishia wanaharakati kuwa wasizungumzie masuala ya uchaguzi. Katika kipindi hiki kuelekea Uchaguzi Mkuu 2010, tumebaini dhamira na hatua za makusudi za Serikali kukiuka haki za binadamu kwa kutishia na hatimaye kunyamazisha sauti za vyombo vya habari na raia; mtu mmoja mmoja, wanafunzi wa elimu ya juu, asasi za kiraia, na makundi mengine ya kijamii yanayotoa elimu ya uraia kwa lengo la kuhakikisha Tanzania inapata viongozi bora na kuendelea kuongozwa kidemokrasia, na kujihakikishia mabadiliko chanya wakati na baada ya Uchaguzi Mkuu unaotarajiwa kufanyika Oktoba 31, 2010.



Kwa kuzingatia haki na wajibu wetu kama kiraia chini ya Katiba ya Jamhuri ya Muungano ya 1977, kunako Oktoba 6, 2010 tulitoa tamko kwa vyombo vya habari tukilaani kitendo cha vyombo vya usalama vikiongozwa na Jeshi la Wananchi Tanzania (JWTZ) kuingilia mchakato wa uchaguzi jambo ambalo lingeweza kusababisha vitisho dhidi ya wananchi, vurugu na hatimaye kuchafua hali ya amani na usalama ambayo ni tunu ya Tanzania.



Vyombo vya habari, kwa kuzingatia maslahi ya umma, vilichapisha na/au kutagangaza Tamko la FemAct. Tumeshangazwa kusikia Serikali kupitia kwa Katibu Mkuu wa Wizara ya Habari, Utamadauni na Michezo Ndugu Seth Kamuhanda akikishambulia Chama cha Waandishi wa Habari Wanawake (TAMWA), ni mwanachama wa mashirika ya FemAct, kwamba kwa kutoa tamko hilo TAMWA imeacha malengo yake na inajihusisha na siasa. Tunaona kuwa kitendo cha Serikali kutishia na kuishambulia TAMWA ni sawa na kutishia na kushambulia FemAct na watanzania wote kwa ujumla. Huu ni uonevu usiostahili kuvumiliwa. Ni jambo la kushangaza zaidi kuona Serikali inajiingiza katika masuala ya kampeni za uchaguzi wakati washiriki rasmi wa kampeni za uchaguzi, kwa mujibu wa sheria, ni vyama vya siasa.



Kadhalika tumesikitishwa na kitendo cha Wizara ya Habari Utamaduni na Michezo kutishia kuyafungia magazeti ya Mwananchi na Mwanahalisi, ambayo yamekuwa yakitoa taarifa za matukio ya uchaguzi kama vyombo vingine vya habari, kwa kwa madai kwamba yanaandika habari za uchochezi dhidi ya serikali iliyoko madarakani. Aidha tunalaani hatua ya Serikali kukifungia kituo cha Redio SAUT FM cha Mwanza.



Tunapenda serikali ifahamu kuwa FemAct tunaendelea kufuatilia na watanzania wako macho dhidi ya hujuma yoyote itakayotokea kufifisha sauti za wananchi zinazochagiza na kuhimiza kupanua uelewa, uhuru na ushiriki wa wananchi katika kampeni za Uchaguzi Mkuu na hatimaye kupata uangavu wa kutosha kuchagua viongozi wanaojali na kusimamia maslahi ya wananchi na taifa kwa ujumla. Tunatoa wito kwa wananchi kuunganisha nguvu zao na kudai uwajibikaji kutoka serikalini na kwa viongozi tuliowaweka madarakani.



Ibara ya 18 na Ibara ya 20 ya Katiba ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania inatamka na kusimamia uhuru wa kutoa maoni na uhuru wa kujumuika. Haki hizi zimetolewa ufafanuzi katika kesi mbali mbali ikiwamo kesi maarufu ya BAWATA. Katika kesi hii, uhuru wa kujumika umefafanuliwa na tabia ya viongozi kufungia mashirika ya kiraia bila kufata taratibu vimekemewa hata na mahakama kuu ambayo nayo ni chombo cha Katiba kilichopewa jukumu la kusimamia haki kwa wananchi.



Madai yetu:-

1. Serikali iache kutishia mashirika ya kijamii na mtu mmoja mmoja katika kipindi hiki cha uchaguzi kwa madai kuwa wanaingilia masuala ya kisiasa. Wananchi wana haki ya kutoa maoni na mawazo mbadala kwa maslahi ya Taifa.

2. Serikali irejee maamuzi ya Kesi ya “BAWATA” juu ya haki ya wananchi kujumuika na izingatie sheria za nchi kabla ya kufanya maamuzi ya kutoa karipio au vitisho kwa taasisi za kiraia na vyombo vya Habari. Utawala bora unahimiza watanzania wote wakiwemo viongozi wetu tunaowapata kwa demokrasia kuzingatia sheria za nchi.

3. Tunahimiza wananchi kuwa macho na viongozi wanaotaka kutumia nguvu nyingi kuziba midomo wananchi na kuendelea kuwa macho kulinda na kutetea maslahi ya taifa wakati wote.

4. Sisi kama mashirika yasiyo ya kiserikali tutaendelea kufanya kazi ya kutoa elimu ya uraia kwa mujibu wa katiba na sheria za nchi bila kuogopa wala kupendelea mtu yeyote wala chama chochote cha siasa.



MUNGU IBARIKI TANZANIA

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Ananilea Nkya
Executive Director
Tanzania Media Women's Association (TAMWA)
P. O. Box 8981, Sinza-Mori
Dar es Salaam, TANZANIA
Tel: +255-22 2772681 Fax +255 22 2772681 E-mail:ananilea_nkya@yahoo.com
Cellphone:+255-754-464-368

UFUNGAJI WA RADIO YA ST. AUGUSTINE UNIVERSITY (saut) TANZANIA

THE UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA - 23/10/2010.

TANZANIA COMMUNICATIONS REGULATORY AUTHORITY

PUBLIC NOTICE

CLOSURE OF RADIO SAUT FM IN MWANZA FOR INTERFERING WITH

AERONAUTICAL COMMUNICATIONS.

The Tanzania Communications Regulatory Authority (TCRA) would like to inform the

general public that on 23rd August, 2010 ordered Radio SAUT FM in mwanza to close

down due to harmful interference with aeronautical communications to levels that

threaten the safety of aircrafts. The order to close the station was not due to political

reasons as alleged by Majira Newspaper of September 23rd, 2010 a story carried on

page 4 headlined “TCRA yaifungia Radio SAUT”.

The closure of the Radio Station was done after a technical investigation was carried

out by experts from TCRA, Tanzania Civil Aviation Authority (TCAA) and Radio SAUT FM

who found that the Radio was broadcasting on frequency 118.2 to 119.3 instead of

frequency 96.2 MHz assigned to them by TCRA. The frequency 118.2MHz to 119.3MHz

were giving out superous emissions interfering with aeronautical communications.

It should be NOTED that TCRA, cannot compromise the safety of aircrafts using

Tanzania airspace in conformity with national and international standards that when

interference occurs between other forms of communications like the radio station and

aeronautical communications, the immediate action is to close down the radio station

for safety reasons.

Radio SAUT FM, was directed to rectify this anomaly by installing filters to eliminate

unwanted signals, tuning its broadcasting equipments to operate within its assigned

frequencies and avail the station to the Authority for inspection before reopening the

radio station.

Issued by

DIRECTOR GENERAL
TANZANIA COMMUNICATIONS REGULATORY AUTHORITY

MUUJIZA WA UOKOAJI WA WACHIMBA MADINI WALIOFUNIKWA NCHINI CHILE

Miner Miracle

Date: 14/10/2010
By MICHAEL WARREN The Associated Press

SAN JOSE MINE, Chile — The last of the Chilean miners, the foreman who held them together when they were feared lost, was raised from the depths of the earth Wednesday night — a joyous ending to a 69-day ordeal that riveted the world. No one has ever been trapped so long and survived.
Luis Urzua ascended smoothly through 2,000 feet of rock, completing a 221/2- hour rescue operation that unfolded with remarkable speed and flawless execution. Before a jubilant crowd of about 2,000 people, he became the 33rd miner to be rescued.
The rescue exceeded expectations every step of the way. Officials first said it might be four months before they could get the men out.
It turned out to be 69 days and about 8 hours.
Once the escape tunnel was finished, they estimated it would take 36 to 48 hours to get all the miners to the surface. That got faster as the operation went along, and all the men were safely above ground in 22 hours, 37 minutes.
The rescue workers who talked the men through the final hours were being hoisted one at time to the surface.
The crowd in “Camp Hope,” down a hill from the escape shaft, set off confetti, released balloons and sprayed champagne as Urzua’s capsule surfaced, joining in a rousing miners’ cheer. In Chile’s capital of Santiago, hundreds gathered in Plaza Italia, waving flags and chanting victory slogans in the miners’ honor.
In nearby Copiapo, about 3,000 people gathered in the town square, where a huge screen broadcast live footage of the rescue. The exuberant crowd waved Chilean flags of all sizes and blew on red vuvuzelas as cars drove around the plaza honking their horns, their drivers yelling, “Long live Chile!”
“The miners are our heroes,” said teary-eyed Copiapo resident Maria Guzman, 45.
One by one through- out the day, the men had emerged to the cheers of exuberant Chileans and before the eyes of a trans- fixed globe. While the opera- tion picked up speed as the day went on, each miner was greeted with the same boisterous applause from rescuers.
‘Welcome to life’
“Welcome to life,” Chilean President Sebastian Pinera told Victor Segovia, the 15th miner out. On a day of superlatives, it seemed no overstatement.
They rejoined a world intensely curious about their ordeal and certain to offer fame and jobs. Previously unimaginable riches awaited men who had risked their lives going into the unstable gold and copper mine for about $1,600 a month.
The miners made the smooth ascent inside a cap- sule called Phoenix — 13 feet tall, barely wider than their shoulders and painted in the white, blue and red of the Chilean flag. It had a door that stuck occasion- ally, and some wheels had to be replaced, but it worked exactly as planned.
Beginning at midnight Tuesday, and sometimes as quickly as every 25 minutes, the pod was lowered the nearly half-mile to where 700,000 tons of rock collapsed on Aug. 5, 2010 and entombed the men.
Then, after a quick pep talk from rescue workers who had descended into the mine, a miner would climb in, make the journey upward and emerge from a manhole into the blinding sun.
The rescue was planned with extreme care. The miners were monitored by video on the way up for any sign of panic. They had oxygen masks, dark glasses to pro- tect their eyes from the unfamiliar sunlight and sweaters for the jarring transition from subterranean swelter to chilly desert air.
As they neared the surface, a camera attached to the top of the capsule showed a brilliant white piercing the darkness not unlike what accident sur- vivors describe when they have near-death experiences.
The miners emerged look- ing healthier than many had expected. Several thrust their fists upwards like prizefighters, and Mario Sepulveda, the second to taste freedom, bounded
out and led his rescuers in a rousing cheer. Franklin Lobos, who played for the Chilean national soccer team in the 1980s, briefly bounced a soccer ball on his foot and knee.
“We have prayed to San Lorenzo, the patron saint of miners, and to many other saints so that my brothers Florencio and Renan would come out of the mine all right. It is as if they had been born again,” said Priscila Avalos. One of her brothers was the first miner rescued, and the other was due out later in the evening.
Healthy — or not
Health Minister Jaime Manalich said some of the miners probably will be able to leave the hospital today — earlier than pro- jected — but many had been unable to sleep, wanted to talk with families and were anxious. One was treated for pneumonia, and two needed dental work.
“They are not ready to have a moment’s rest until the last of their colleagues is out,” he said.
As it traveled down and up, down and up, the rescue capsule was not rotating as much inside the 2,041-foot escape shaft as officials expected, allowing for faster trips.
The first man out was Florencio Avalos, who emerged from the missile- like chamber and hugged his sobbing 7-year-old son, his wife and the Chilean president.
No one in recorded his- tory has survived as long trapped underground. For the first 17 days, no one even knew whether they were alive. In the weeks that followed, the world was captivated by their endurance and unity.
Worldwide attention
News channels from North America to Europe and the Middle East carried live coverage of the rescue. Pope Benedict XVI said in Spanish that he “continues with hope to entrust to God’s goodness” the fate of the men. Iran’s state Eng- lish-language Press TV fol- lowed events live for a time. Crews from Russia and Japan and North Korean state TV were at the mine.
The images beamed to the world were extraordi- nary: Grainy footage from beneath the earth showed each miner climbing into the capsule, then disap- pearing upward through an opening. Then a camera showed the pod steadily rising through the dark, smooth-walled tunnel.
Among the first rescued was the youngest miner, Jimmy Sanchez, at 19 the father of a months-old baby. Two hours later came the oldest, Mario Gomez, 63, who suffers from a lung disease common to miners and had been on antibiot- ics inside the mine. He dropped to his knees after he emerged, bowed his head in prayer and clutched the Chilean flag.
Gomez’s wife, Lilia- nett Ramirez, pulled him up from the ground and embraced him. The couple had talked over video chat once a week, and she said that he had repeated the promise he made to her in his initial letter from inside the mine: He would marry her properly in a church wedding, followed by the honeymoon they never had.
The lone foreigner among them, Carlos Mamani of Bolivia, was visited at a nearby clinic by Pinera
and Bolivian President Evo Morales. The miner could be heard telling the Chilean president how nice it was to breathe fresh air and see the stars.
Carrier ‘palomas’
Most of the men emerged clean-shaven. More than 300 people at the mine alone had worked on the rescue or to sustain them during their long wait by lowering rocket-shaped tubes dubbed “palomas,” Spanish for car- rier pigeons. Along with the food and medicine came razors and shaving cream.
Estimates for the rescue operation alone have soared beyond $22 million, though the government has repeat- edly insisted that money is not a concern.
The men emerged in good health. But at the hospital in Copiapo, where miner after miner walked from the ambulance to a waiting wheelchair, it became clear that psychological issues would be as important to treat as physical ones.
Dr. Guillermo Swett said Sepulveda told him about an internal “fight with the devil” that he had inside the mine. He said Sanchez appeared to be having a hard time adjusting, and seemed depressed.
“He spoke very little and didn’t seem to connect,” the doctor said.
Chile has promised that its care of the miners won’t end for six months at least — not until they can be sure that each man has readjusted.

UTAJIRI WA LUGHA YA KISWAHILI

From: Chris Mwasambili
To: list@tanzanet.org
Sent: Thu, Oct 21, 2010 3:19 pm
Subject: [tanzanet] UTAJIRI WA KISWAHILI:Maneno ni mengi, kuyatumia tunashindwa

Imeandikwa na Barnabas Maro; Tarehe: 21st October 2010 Habari Leo

LUGHA ya Kiswahili ina maneno mengi lakini wengi wetu hatuyajui, kwa hiyo tunashindwa kuyatumia.

Matokeo yake tunachanganya maneno ya Kiingereza katikati ya Kiswahili na kufanya kile nikiitacho ’Kiswangereza.’ Sababu hiyo imewafanya baadhi ya watu kusema, kwa mfano, ”wanasiasa ’wanaboa’ kwa maneno yao” badala ya chusha, chukiza, sunza, udhi.

”Wasiasa wanachusha/wanachosha/ wanasunza/wanaudhi.” Hata kuomba radhi siku hizi watu husema ’sore’ (sorry) badala ya ’samahani’ ’kumradhi’ au ’niwie radhi.’ Wengine husema ”tukutane ’hom’ (home)” badala ya nyumbani.

Majuzi nikiwa ndani ya daladala, kijana fulani akiongea na mwenziye kwa simu alimwambia: ”Jana ’nimemwambia’ mkuu kuwa leo napitia benki kuangalia kama fedha zangu za kwenda chuoni zimeingia.”

Kila alipokuwa akielezea mambo yaliyopita alitumia neno ’nime ... ” badala ya ’nili ... .’ Hata nilipomwambia aseme ’nilimwambia’ badala ya ’nimemwambia’ kwa kuwa ni wakati uliopita (jana, juzi, n.k.) hakunielewa ila aliniangalia tu kwa dharau kama sanamu.

Alirudia kosa hilo kila alipozungumza. Kama mwanafunzi wa Chuo Kikuu anakosea na anaposahihishwa haoni wala kujutia kosa lake, itakuwaje kwa mwanafunzi wa msingi?

Kumbe ndio maana wanafunzi hushindwa mitihani ya Kiswahili ingawa ni lugha ya taifa! Kosa kama hili hufanywa na wazungumzaji wengine na waandishi kama ilivyo katika habari ifuatayo: ”Wakati Poulsen akisema hayo, wapinzani wake timu ya taifa ya Morocco ”Atlas Lions” wamewasili juzi usiku ... .”

Ingekuwa: ”Wakati Poulsen akisema hayo, timu ya taifa ya Morocco, Atlas Lions, iliwasili juzi usiku ... .”

Angalizo: Timu iliwasili juzi, jana (wakati uliopita). Kama ujio wake ni siku hiyohiyo, basi husemwa imewasili leo. Naomba wazungumzaji na waandishi wazingatie mambo ya wakati uliopita, uliopo na ujao.

Wengi husema, kwa mfano, ”mimi ’naamkaga’, ’nalalaga’, ’nakulaga’, ’nakwendaga’, ’namwambiaga’, ’nasemaga’.” Kwa ufasaha wa lugha husemwa huamka badala ya ’naamkaga’, hulala badala ya ’nalalaga’, hula badala ya ’nakulaga’, huenda badala ya ’nakwendaga’, humwambia badala ya ’namwambiaga’, na husema badala ya ’nasemaga’.

Baadhi yetu hutumia maneno bila kujua maana yake kama ilivyo katika sentensi ifuatayo: ”Mkuu wa Wilaya ya Chunya, Deodatus Kinawiro amenusurika kupigwa mawe na wananchi wenye hasira katika kijiji cha Mtanila, baada ya gari lake alilokuwamo lenye namba za usajili STK 3770 kukoswakoswa kuvunjwa vioo kwa madai ya kujihusisha na kampeni za uchaguzi mkuu dhidi ya Chama Cha Mapinduzi.”

Moja kwa moja sentensi hii inaonesha kuwa mkuu wa wilaya ya Chunya, Deodatus Kinawiro alinusurika kupigwa na wananchi kwa kujihusisha na kampeni zinazokwenda kinyume na Chama Cha Mapinduzi.

Hata hivyo, sentensi inayofuatia inaeleza tofauti ingawa mwandishi ni yuleyule! ”Habari ambazo ... (jina la gazeti) imezipata jana zinadai kuwa DC huyo amekuwa akifanya kampeni katika kata na vijiji kadhaa kwa kofia ya serikali ili kuhakikisha kuwa mgombea wa CCM katika jimbo la Lupa, Victor Mwambalaswa, anapita kwa kishindo.”

Kosa kubwa la mwandishi huyu ni kutumia neno ’dhidi’ ambalo bila shaka haelewi maana yake. Kwa kumsaidia, maana ya ’dhidi’ (kivumishi) ni –enye kinyume na; -enye kupingana na; kushindana na; mbalimbali na.

Mwandishi ameandika: ”Habari ambazo (jina la gazeti) imezipata jana ...” si sahihi kwani ingekuwa ” ... ilizipata jana ... ” au ” habari ilizopata gazeti hili jana ... .”

Maneno mengine yanayotumiwa kuunda sentensi huleta maana potofu au sentensi kutokamilika ingawa huwa na nukta mwisho kuashiria sentensi imekamilika.

Tusome sentensi ifuatayo: ”Inashangaza katika uwanja huu ambao mimi ndio msimamizi mkuu na mwenye jukumu la kuhakikisha kwamba mambo yanakwenda vyema kama ilivyopangwa.”

Mwandishi ametumia maneno mengi na hivyo kupoteza nafasi na kuharibu sentensi. Ifuatayo ni sentensi iliyofanyiwa marekebisho:
”Katika uwanja huu mimi ndio mwenye jukumu la kuhakikisha mambo yanakwenda kama ilivyopangwa.”

Ni sentensi yenye maneno 13 dhidi ya 20 aliyotumia mwandishi. Hebu sasa tuingie kwenye methali. “Kanga hazai utumwani” maana yake kanga hatagi ugenini. Methali hii huweza kutumiwa kwa mtu anayeshindwa kufanya jambo lolote anapokuwa katika mazingira mageni.

Tunafunzwa kuwa ugeni una shida. Kangaja simle, mchuzi kitoweo. Kangaja ni aina ya samaki ambaye huwa na harufu mbaya lakini mchuzi wake huwa kitoweo kizuri.

Methali hii hutumiwa katika mazingira ambapo mtu fulani hampendi mwengine ingawa anafaidika na matendo yake. Huweza kumshauri mtu anayekataa kitu kizuri kinachotokana na mtu m-baya au mwenye sifa mbaya.

Msi chembe wala uta si muwani. Muwani ni anayepigana au anayepambana. Chembe ni kigumba cha mshale. Maana yake mtu asiye na chembe au uta si mpiganaji. Methali hii hutumiwa kutukumbusha kwamba lazima tujiandae vizuri tunapotaka kufanya jambo fulani.

Kwa kawaida kila jambo huwa na masharti yake ya kimsingi ambayo hatuna budi kuyatosheleza. Mathalan mwanasiasa mzuri lazima awe stadi (mtu aliye na uhodari au ufundi mkubwa wa kutenda jambo fulani; bingwa, farisi, galacha) wa kusema.

Kitendawili: Ngozi ndani nyama n-nje – Firigisi ya kuku. marobarnabas@yahoo.com

USAFIRI MPYA WA MAHUJAJI KUANZIA 2010

30-day test run for Makkah metro

http://arabnews.com/saudiarabia/article152577.ece/REPRESENTATIONS/large_620x350/sau_train.jpg

A Makkah metro train during a test run. (AN photo)

By P.K. ABDUL GHAFOUR | ARAB NEWS

Published: Oct 2, 2010 23:44 Updated: Oct 3, 2010 00:33

JEDDAH: The newly established Mashair Railway, which links the holy sites of Mina, Arafat and Muzdalifa with Makkah, will have a 30-day test run before opening to transport domestic and GCC pilgrims during the upcoming Haj season.

Municipal and Rural Affairs Minister Prince Mansour bin Miteb will inspect the railway (also known as the Makkah Metro) on Tuesday to make sure the facility is ready to transport the guests of God. The railway will bring about a dramatic change in pilgrim transportation between the holy sites.

Established at a cost of SR6.5 billion, the new railway will have a capacity to transport 72,000 pilgrims in an hour. Nine stations have been constructed in Arafat, Mina and Muzdalifa, each having three stations. This is the second largest project implemented by the Ministry of Municipal and Rural Affairs after the SR4.5 billion high-tech Jamrat Bridge project in Mina.

Habib Zain Al-Abidine, deputy minister of municipal and rural affairs, said the railway will have 10 trains in the first phase, each with a length of 300 meters. “Each train will carry 3,000 passengers.”

He said Saudi authorities have not yet fixed the fare. “The matter is in the hands of Second Deputy Premier and Minister of Interior Prince Naif, chairman of the Supreme Haj Committee. Once the prince gives his directives, we’ll announce the fare,” he said.

The time for transporting pilgrims from Arafat to Muzdalifa will be reduced to five minutes on the 9th of Dul Hijjah when the faithful will move together from the plain of Arafat to Muzdalifa. And another five minutes will take them from Muzdalifa to Mina on the 10th.

Zain Al-Abidine said the railway would operate throughout the year.

The second phase of the project will link Mashair Railway with the Grand Mosque in Makkah with a station on Umm Al-Qura Road. It will also be linked with the Haramain Railway that connects Makkah with Madinah and Jeddah.

The trains will have a test run covering 6,000 km each before starting regular operations. The first test run took place last Thursday. The railway will have 20 trains in the next stage, each with 12 carriages and each carriage holding 250 passengers. About 20 percent of passengers will be seated while 80 percent will be standing. Trains will have a speed of 80 to 120 km/hour.

RASILIMALI ADIMU ZA TANZANIA NA DUNIANI

Imeandikwa na Beda Msimbe; Tarehe: 14th October 2010 Habari Leo

MSITU WA MAZUMBAI WA LUSHOTO, TANZANIA

Eneo la kupumzikia wageni wa SUA ndani ya msitu wa Mazumbai.

NDANI ya milima ya Usambara kuna misitu miwili mikubwa inayotumika kwa utafiti.

Misitu hiyo ni ya Amani na Mazumbai. Msitu wa Amani upo Muheza na ule wa Mazumbai upo Lushoto. Nilifika msitu wa Mazumbai wenye
ua linalopatikana kiasili Tanzania pekee, ‘African Violet’.

Nilikuwa sijawahi kuona ua la African Violet, lakini nilipata kulisoma sana katika mtandao na nilipofika Mazumbai kitu cha kwanza kuuliza na kutaka kuoneshwa ni ua hilo, Meneja wa Hifadhi ya Msitu wa Mazumbai, Said Kiparu alikuwa zaidi ya tayari kunionesha, yalikuwa yamepandwa nje ya nyumba ya kupumzikia iliyo hapo.

Nyumba hiyo hutumika na watu wanaozuru msitu huo pamoja na watafiti na siku ambayo nilifika kulikuwa na wazungu kadhaa waliofika
kutalii na walitarajiwa kuwapo hapo kwa siku nne au zaidi walikuwa msituni wakivinjari.

Kuwapo kwa ua hilo si tu fahari ya Tanzania, lakini ua hilo lenyeugumu mkubwa wa kuota na kumea lililopewa jina na Mjerumani mmoja aliyepeleka taarifa kwao kuhusu kuwapo kwa ua hilo la urujuani wakati akivinjari milima ya Usambara.

African Violet au tuseme Ua la Usambara ambalo wenyeji wa Usambaani huliita ‘Dughulishi’, lilijulikana kwa Wazungu mwaka 1892 kupitia Baron Walter von St. Paul na tangu wakati huo mpaka leo zaidi ya aina 20 za maua haya zimebainika.

Kusema kweli pamoja na kutawanyika kwa African violet duniani, Wazungu wanatambua kwamba makao yake makuu yapo Usambara wakati wakielezea historia ya maua hayo ambayo watu wengi wa Ulaya hupenda kuyaweka majumbani kwao kutokana na uzuri wake.

Kwa historia, Baron huyu ambaye alikuwa na hisia za masuala ya mimea ya bustani (unaweza kumuita botania) ndiye aliyewezesha mimea hii kufika Ulaya kwa kumtumia baba yake Baron Ulrich von Saint Paul-Illare, ambaye wakati huo alikuwa ni Rais wa chama cha miti nchini Ujerumani (Dendrological Society of Germany).

Juhudi hizo zilifanya kuanzia mwaka 1893 ua hilo kupatikana nje ya usambara na watu kuanza kulizalisha kwa wingi kwa kutumia mbegu hizo zilizotoka Tanzania.

Sehemu kubwa ya maua ya African Violet katika bara la Ulaya na Marekani si orijino ni haibridi. Kimsingi ua hilo lilitawanyika dunia kupitia Ujerumani na pamoja na kupendwa sana Marekani yalifika huko mwaka 1926 yakitokea Ujerumani.

Sasa hivi nchini Marekani kuna jumuia nyingi zinazojihusisha na African Violet. Botani huyu Baron Walter von Saint Paul, alikuwa ni Gavana wa Kijerumani jimbo la Kaskazini Mashariki la Tanganyika na aliyaona maua hayo yakijiotea katika vipenyo vya majabali.

Ndani ya Msitu wa Mazumbai ambao kimsingi unamilikiwa na Chuo Kikuu cha Kilimo cha Sokoine (SUA) na kutumiwa nadra na watalii lakini sana na watafiti kuna zaidi ya maua, ipo miti aina tofauti zaidi ya 100 ambayo inamea vyema ikiangaliwa isifanyiwe
uharibifu.

Watu wa SUA walikabidhiwa msitu huo na mzungu anayeitwa John Tanner ambaye alikuwa na mashamba yake ya chai katika eneo hilo na aliitunza misitu ya asili aliyopukuta kwa sababu za shughuli yake aliyokuwa akiifanya.

Mzungu huyo aliyezaliwa Tanga mwaka 1918 aliishi Mazumbai kuanzia mwaka 1946 hadi mwaka 1982, kwa sasa yupo nchini kwao Uswisi na habari zinasema yungali hai.

Kuwapo mashamba ya chai kunaonesha kwa nini kulikuwa na misitu kwani utengenezaji wa chai hutumia miti mingi kwa hiyo kulikuwa na haja ya kuwa na miti ya kutosha (misitu) kwa ajili ya kazi hiyo.

Ndani ya msitu huo pia mzungu huyo alikuwa ametengeneza mfumo wa kufua umeme ambao ndio unaotumiwa hadi sasa na nyumba ya SUA kupata nishati. Umeme huo wa maji unaofuliwa katika nyumba kuukuu ni moja ya vivutio ambavyo vinaweza kutoa taswira ya neema katika harufu nzuri ya misitu na maua yake.

Ndani ya msitu huo mnene yapo magogo makubwa ambayo yamechomoza kwa namna inayopendeza zaidi, ingawa huwezi kuona kila kitu kilichopo katika msitu huo pamoja na nyoka wa aina mbalimbali, ndege, kuna mandhari inayokonga moyo hasa kwa wale wanaopenda asili na vitu vinavyofuatana navyo.

Kuna miti ambayo mizizi yake iliyojitokeza nje ina urefu wa zaidi ya futi tano ikitengeneza mandhari ya kustaajabisha zaidi. Ni kama jengo lililofumwa. "Hii ni hifadhi, inasaidia vitu vingi sana na watu hawaruhusiwi kuingia ndani ya msitu na kuvuna," anasema Meneja Kiparu.

Akaongeza kwamba, pamoja na kuwatembeza watalii ni kazi yao kutoa nafasi ya watu kujifunza masuala ya misitu na namna hifadhi
inavyoweza kuokoa misitu na katika hilo watafiti wa ndani na nje hufika kujifunza kwenye msitu huu ambao kimsingi ulikuwa binafsi.

Katikati ya msitu huu wa hifadhi wa hekta 300 kuna mbega na ndege mbalimbali ambao hupendezesha sauti katika msitu unaozizima kwa utulivu.

HABARI ZA UHALIFU WA KIMAFIA TANZANIA HIZI HAPA

Mengi awalipua polisi



• ABAINI NJAMA ZA KUMBAMBIKIA MWANAE DAWA ZA KULEVYA DAR

TANZANIA DAIMA LA Jumatano, 13 Oktoba 2010

na Mwandishi wetu



MWENYEKITI Mtendaji wa makampuni ya IPP, Reginald Mengi, amedai kubaini njama chafu za kutaka kumbambikia mwanae dawa za kulevya.

Mengi alifichua njama hiyo jana katika mkutano wake na waandishi wa habari, uliofanyika ofisini kwake jijini Dar es Salaam.

Akifafanua kisa hicho cha kusikitisha, Mengi alisema mpango huo umefadhiliwa na mmoja wa watu aliopata kuwataja siku za nyuma kwamba ni mafisadi papa, kutokana na kujihusisha na matukio ya ufisadi katika Akaunti ya Madeni ya Nje (EPA), kupitia Benki Kuu ya Tanzania (BoT).



Waliotajwa na Mengi katika sakata hilo lililotikisa nchi ni pamoja na mfanyabiashara mwenye asili ya Kiasia, Yusuf Manji, Mbunge wa Igunga, Rostam Aziz, Jeetu Patel, ambaye kwa sasa anakabiliwa na kesi ya EPA mahakamani na Tonil Sumaiya.



Huku akizungumza kwa kutulia na kujiamini, Mengi alisema mfanyabiashara huyo ambaye hakumtaja jina, amefadhili mkakati huo kwa kuwahusisha baadhi ya maofisa wa polisi wa ngazi ya juu nchini na Polisi wa Kimataifa (Interpool) ambao kila mmoja angelipwa dola za Marekani 40,000, sawa na sh milioni 47.



Kwa mujibu wa Mengi, mpango huo ambao umegharimiwa kwa sh bilioni tatu, pia umewahusisha maofisa wawili ambao hakuwataja majina kutoka Uwanja wa Ndege wa Kimataifa wa Mwalimu Nyerere na maofisa kutoka kampuni moja ya simu za mkononi nchini.

Akisimulia mpango mzima wa mkakati huo, Mengi alidai kuwa siku ya tukio, mwanae akiongozana na watu wengine wanne, walitarajiwa kusafiri hadi nchini India kwa shughuli za kikazi.

Alisema walipofika katika Uwanja wa Ndege wa Mwalimu Nyerere, alipambana na mazingira ya ajabu na hatimaye kujinasua kwenye mtego uliosukwa ili wamnase na dawa za kulevya.



“Kwa mapenzi ya Mungu, kijana wangu alibaini mbinu hiyo chafu na kwa mapenzi ya Mungu aliahirisha safari. Tulipofanya uchunguzi, tukabaini mpango huo na kuwajua wahusika ambao nitawataja pamoja na kiasi cha fedha walichoahidiwa na walichokwisha kuchukua kama malipo ya awali kwa kazi hiyo haramu,” alisema Mengi.



Mfanyabiashara huyo maarufu nchini, aliwataja aliodai kuhusika katika mpango huo kuwa ni pamoja na Kamishna wa Polisi Msaidizi wa kitengo cha kukabiliana na dawa za kulevya, Godfrey Nzowa, aliyeahidiwa dola za Marekani 40,000, sawa na sh milioni 47 na kulipwa dola za Marekani 20,000, sawa na sh milioni 23.5.



Mwingine ni ofisa wa polisi, Charles Mkumbo na polisi wa Interpool, aliyemtaja kwa jina moja la Henry. Wote waliahidiwa kiasi kama hicho cha Nzowa na kupata malipo ya awali yanayofanana.



“Mkumbo alionekana kwenye ofisi za mfanyabiashara huyo akiwa anaendesha gari lake aina ya Rav4, lenye rangi ya silver, siku hiyo ya Septemba 26, majira ya saa nne asubuhi na alikwenda kuchukua malipo yake ya awali,” alisema Mengi.

Watuhumiwa wengine katika mpango huo ni maofisa wawili wa Uwanja wa Ndege wa Mwalimu Nyerere na ofisa kutoka kampuni moja ya simu za mkononi ambao hata hivyo hakuwataja kwa majina. Hao wanadaiwa kuahidiwa sh milioni 15 na wote walilipwa malipo ya awali ya sh milioni saba kila mmoja.



Mengi alisisitiza kuwa anajua anachokisema na amejiandaa kutoa ushahidi wa kutosha, hivyo aliwataka wahusika waende mahakamani ili akatoe ushahidi zaidi juu ya mpango huo aliouita kuwa ni wa kigaidi.



“Huu ni unyama, maisha ya mwanangu na heshima yangu ingekwisha, kwani kila mmoja angesema Mengi ni muuzaji wa dawa za kulevya. Namfamu mwanangu, hana tabia hiyo na hawezi kujihusisha na biashara hiyo haramu na kama mtego huo usingegunduliwa, huo ungekuwa mwisho wa maisha ya mwanangu,” alisisitiza Mengi.



Mengi alisema Jeshi la Polisi linafanya kazi nzuri na analiheshimu, lakini alidai kuna watu wachache wanaotaka kuharibu heshima ya jeshi hilo.

“Ndani ya Jeshi letu la Polisi, kuna viongozi wazuri, waadilifu, ukianzia na IGP Mwema, wasaidizi wake, kina Kamanda Venance Tossi, Suleiman Kova, Elias Kalinga, Chilogile na wengine, ni wachapa kazi wazuri, waadilifu, lakini wapo wachache kwa sababu ya tamaa ya fedha, wanataka kuliharibu jeshi letu,” alisema Mengi.



Akijibu tuhuma hizo, Nzowa, kwanza alishangaa kusikia taarifa hizo na kuongeza kuwa katika kipindi alichotaja Mengi alikuwa nje ya nchi kikazi.

“Kwanza mimi katika kipindi anachotaja Mengi sikuwepo nchini. Lakini pia sijui kama Mengi au huyo mwanae wananijua. Binafsi huyo mwanae wala simjui, sasa sijui nimehusikaje hapa,” alisema Nzowa.

Kamanda huyo wa kikosi cha kudhibiti dawa za kulevya nchini alisema kauli ya Mengi ina lengo la kumchafulia, kwani kiasi anachokitaja ili kumhujumu mwanae ni kidogo sana ikilinganishwa na ahadi alizowahi kupewa na wahalifu, lakini alizikataa na kusimamia misingi ya sheria.



Kwa upande wake, Kamanda Mkumbo, naye aliruka ‘kimanga’ kwamba hajawahi wala hawezi kuthubutu kumbambikia dawa za kulevya mtu, kwa sababu ya kulipwa pesa.



“Mimi kwanza huyo mtoto wa Mengi simjui na hata sasa sijui tuhuma hizi zinatokea wapi. Hata mbele ya Mwenyezi Mungu niko tayari kukana kuhusika na mpango huo,” alisema.



Kamanda huyo alisema anashangazwa zaidi kuhusishwa na Nzowa kwenye mpango huo, kwani vitengo vyao havihusiani kikazi.



Chanzo: Gazeti la TanzaniaDaima

UCHAGUZI TANZANIA 2010 MAMBO!

PIMAJOTO INAZIDI KUPANDA KWA KUSINGIZIWA WAPINZANI ETI WATAMWAGA DAMU? KWA KUTUMIA NINI?
WAMWAGAJI DAMU NI CCM TOKA KILOMBERO, MWEMBECHAI, PEMBA, etc.

Kwa nini wanatisha wananchi na wakati vyombo vyote vya mitulinga viko mikononi mwao? Someone is afraid - really afraid!!

By the way, ni utawala gani wanaofanya ambao Watanzania wengine hawawezi?
Kugawiana nyumba za serikali?
Kuiba fedha zetu BOT?
Kugawa mashirika yetu kwa wageni?
Kutumia bilioni 150 kwa mwaka kwenye usafiri wa Presidency?
Kujipangia mishahara ya milioni 10 kwa viongozi?
Kupeana sitting allowance za board meetings za 1 million per day?
Kuachia boda boda na mabasi kufanya barabara zetu ni machinjoni?
Kusinzia bungeni na kupiga piga makofi kwenye kila kikao?
Kuruhusu magogo na pembe za ndovu kupitishwa barabara zetu na kupakiwa melini na kupelekwa nje mchana mchana?
Kuhakikisha Tanzania na haswa Zanzibar imekuwa key transhipment ya drugs from the middle and far east to South Africa, Europe and US? Kuuziwa radar ya million 28 kwa 40?
Kushindwa kumaliza kesi yoyote ya EPA ambao ushahidi uko wazi tangu 2006?
Kuwaachia wageni kuendeleza kila sekta ya uchumi na kujisifu ndio maendeleo?
Kuwagawia watoto wa mfalme wa Saudia ekari mamilioni ya ardhi yetu kulima?
Kudumisha mgawo wa umeme tangu wakati wa Mkapa hadi leo?
Kuagiza kampuni feki (Richmond) ya kuuza vitabu kutununulia injini la ndege bovu feki eti kufua umeme?
Kwenda kununua mvua Thailand?
Rais kujiuzia mgodi wa mkaa wa mawe na mtambo wa kufua umeme Kiwira?
Kusimamia uchumi bei ya mchele toka 600 hadi 1500 in 4 years
Sukari toka 800 hadi 1600 (3000 Mbambabay) in 4 years?
Petroli toka 750 hadi 1800?
Shilingi toka 1000 hadi 1500 kwa dola moja?
Kununua magari ya viongozi ya milioni 200+?
Kufelisha karibu nusu ya wanafunzi wa kidato cha nne?
Kuzalishia mama zetu sakafuni na wagonjwa 3 kuchangia kitanda kimoja?
Kupeleka watoto India au Afrika Kusini kufanyiwa dialysis wakati machine zinauzwa dola 10,000?
Kuua Air Tanzania?
Kuwepo kwa foleni ya masaa 3 toka Kimara kwenda mjini?
Give me a freakin break!! Kujijengea makasri hapo Migombani Street sio kuongoza nchi.

Kwa utawala wa namna hiyo heri vijana wa Chuo Kikuu wangeweza kuongoza nchi hii kuliko hii serikali ya sasa. Kukopa hela na kuweka barabara kadhaa lami na nyingine changarawe ndio ingemshinda Lipumba?

MATATIZO YA ELIMU KATIKA NCHI ZINAZOENDELEA

UNIVERSITIES IN EAST AFRICA HAVE UNQUALIFIED LECTURERS ! Daily News, Tanzania 10/10/2010

From MARC NKWAME in Arusha, 9th October 2010 @ 12:00, Total Comments: 0, Hits: 247

The Executive Secretary of the Inter-University Council for East Africa, Prof Chacha Nyaigotti-Chacha is worried over the mushrooming of universities not corresponding with the available number of qualified lecturers.

A university lecturer must qualify to the top; anybody teaching at higher institute of learning needs to be a PhD holder, but at the moment our universities seem to have just one doctorate lecturer in every 40 dons.

"As a result our colleges keep churning out half-baked graduates," Prof Chacha maintained. The professor expressed this worry in Arusha over the weekend at a press conference held in the threshold of the forthcoming celebrations to mark the 10th Anniversary of the Revitalization of the Inter-University Council for East Africa, to be held in the Ugandan Capital of Kampala between the 19th and 21st October 2010.

Following the dissolution of the University of East Africa and the establishment of the University of Dar es Salaam, Makerere University and the University of Nairobi in 1970, an Inter-University Committee for East Africa was created under the East African Community (EAC), to facilitate collaboration among the three national universities.

"By then there were only three universities in the region. Now the number is staggering. Yet we keep having fewer and fewer trained professors to correspond with the trainers' demand," said Mr Chacha.

The committee functioned very well under the aegis of the Community and after the collapse of the latter body in 1977, in 1980, the three Vice-Chancellors agreed to maintain the committee through signing a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), which led to the birth of the Inter-University Council for East Africa (IUCEA).

The MoU set out the objectives, functions, membership and governance of the Council. In 1999 the Partner States recognized the Inter-University Council as one of the surviving institutions of the former East African Community (EAC).

It was agreed to establish a corporate body to be known as the Inter-University Council for East Africa. At that time IUCEA was not a legal entity.

Following the revitalization and recruitment of a new set of staff in 2000, the Governing Board embarked on the development of legal instruments to make IUCEA a legal body corporate.
In 2002 the protocol for the establishment of the IUCEA was signed by the three partner States with the aim of harmonizing and providing a legal framework within which to undertake activities of the IUCEA.

Source:
http://www.dailynews.co.tz/home/?n=13685&cat=home

MAONI JUU YA UCHAGUZI MKUU TANZANIA 31/10/2010

IMECHANGIWA NA JAMII FORUMS

Hivi kweli hizi ni kampeni, au ni vita ya msalaba?

Mwaka 2005 maaskofu walijifunga vibwebwe na kufanya kile ambacho kisingetarajiwa kifanywe na viongozi wa dini. Bila kujali kuwa walichokuwa wanakifanya ni kinyume kabisa na maadili ya 'FAIR PLAY', yaani kutocheza rafu ya makusudi, walijitoa hadharani na kudai kuwa Taifa lilikuwa linahitaji kiongozi mwadilifu na mcha Mungu; na huyo hakuwa mwingine bali Jakaya Kikwete kwa kuwa huyo ndiye aliyekuwa 'CHAGUO LA MUNGU'!

Hakuna shaka yoyote kuwa kwa kitendo kile maaskofu walicheza rafu ya makusudi. Ni kwa nini nasema hivi? Nasema hivi kwa sababu kwa jinsi mfumo wa uendeshaji wa dini ya kikiristo ulivyo, na hasa kwa dhehebu la Roman Catholic, mlei, yaani muumini wa kawaida, mahusiano yake na muumba wake ni lazima yapitie kwa kiungo ambaye ni padri au askofu. Wabunifu wa utaratibu huu wameweka kanuni mbili muhimu ambazo zinawahakikishia utiifu wa waumini wao kwa muda wote.

Kwanza ni kanuni ya kujumuika kundini. Kwa mujibu wa kanuni hii utahesabiwa kuwa wewe ni muumini wa kweli na mwenye haki za kiroho sawa na waumini wengine, pale tu viongozi wa kanisa watakapojiridhisha kwamba umo 'kundini'; kwa maana ya kuwa unashiriki kikamilifu katika shughuli za kanisa lako chini ya miongozo ya padri wako. Kwa kutumia kanuni hii, wale wanaokwenda kinyume na miongozo ya mapadri na maaskofu wao hujikuta wakipewa adhabu ya kutengwa; na hii ni adhabu kubwa sana kwa sababu unatengwa ukiwa hai mpaka maiti yako!

Kanuni ya pili, ni ile ya mapadri na maaskofu kuwa na mamlaka ya kupokea toba za waumini wao. Kwa mujibu wa kanuni hii, waumini wakifanya dhambi, suala la toba siyo la binafsi kati ya mfanya dhambi na muumba wake, bali ni lazima toba ipitie kwa padri au askofu; ambaye baada ya kusikiliza ungamo lako ana mamlaka ya kutamka kuwa umesamehewa.

Mfumo huu unaozuia mawasiliano ya moja kwa moja kati ya muumini na muumba wake umeweza kujenga utii mkubwa sana wa waumini kwa mapadri na maaskofu wao na kusababisha kanisa kuwa na nguvu ya ajabu. Nguvu hii inatokana na ukweli kuwa kwa kutumia mfumo huu mapadri na maaskofu wamekuwa na mamlaka makubwa sana juu ya waumini wao kuhusu nini wafanye na nini wasifanye.

Maaskofu waliposema kuwa JK ni 'CHAGUO LA MUNGU' ilikuwa ni rafu ya makusudi kwa sababu walikuwa wanajua fika kuwa kwa mamlaka waliyonayo juu ya waumini wao tamko lao lilikuwa ni agizo kwa waumini wao kuhakikisha kuwa siku ya kupiga kura, kura zao zinaenda kwa JK.

Kwa mkristo mkereketwa kutotii agizo la askofu wake siyo tu kuwa ni dhambi, lakini pia ni kutafuta kufukuzwa kutoka 'kundini'. Sasa nani yuko tayari kufanya 'dhambi' ya waziwazi kabisa kama hiyo na kutengwa akiwa hai hadi maiti yake?

Tatizo la kanisa kuwachagulia waumini wao viongozi ni la kihistoria na wala halijajifunga katika mipaka ya kijiografia. Wakina Vladmir Lenin kule Urusi mwanzoni mwa karne ya ishirini walipokuwa wanafanya jitihada za kuwazindua wafanyakazi na wakulima wa huko kuupindua mfumo wa kibwenyenye uliokuwa unawatawala na kuwanyonya, kikwazo chao kikubwa kilikuwa ni viongozi wa kanisa.

Utiifu wa walalahoi hao wa kirusi kwa viongozi wao wa kanisa ulikuwa mkubwa kiasi cha kumlazimisha Lenin kutamka hadharani kwa uchungu kuwa 'DINI NI KASUMBA YA WATU'. Kasumba kama vilivyo vilevi vingine, kazi yake kubwa ni kumzuia mtu kujitambua na kuyatambua mazingira yake katika uhalisia wake.

Wakati vichwa vikiwauma wakina Lenin na Trosky kule Urusi jinsi ya kufuta kasumba ya ukristo kwenye akili za Warusi, kasumba hiyo pia ilikuwa imekamata akili za watu wengi katika mataifa mengine ya Ulaya. Kwa mfano, pamoja na kwamba kule nchini Uingereza hali ya wafanyakazi wengi ilikuwa ni duni sana, jitihada za chama chao cha Labor kushika madaraka ya dola ili kuboresha hali zao za maisha zilikuwa

zinakwamishwa na wafanyakazi wenyewe! Makada wa Labor walikuwa wakitukanwa, kubezwa na hata wakati mwingine kupigwa. Hali kwa makada wa Labor waliokuwa wanaendesha 'Operesheni Zinduka' hiyo iliendelea kuwa mbaya hadi mwaka 1914 pale kitabu cha hadithi cha mwandishi Robert Tressel, kinachoitwa 'The Ragged Trousered Philanthropists', yaani, 'Wasamaria wema waliovaa viraka', kwa tafsri isiyo rasmi, kilipochapishwa.

Kwa kifupi kitabu hiki kilikuwa kinawazungumzia wafanyakazi wa Uingereza ambao hali zao za kimaisha zilikuwa duni sana. Kilikuwa kinawaashangaa ni kiasi gani walikuwa HAWAJIONEI au KUWAONEA HURUMA WATOTO WAO kwa kuleta mabadiliko ya kisiasa, ukizingatia kuwa uwezo wa kufanya hivyo walikuwa nao kupitia kura zao.

Juu ya hali hiyo, mwandishi wa kitabu hicho, Robert Tressel, alielekeza lawama zote kwa kwa kanisa. Alilituhumu kuwa lilikuwa linatumiwa na watawala mabwenyenye na wakandamizaji waliokuwa wameshikilia mamlaka ya kisiasa kuwadanganya waumini wao - kuwa kuendelea kuwatii waliokuwa na mamlaka ya kisiasa juu yao ni KUMTII MUNGU - kwa sababu ati mamlaka zote za kisiasa zimewekwa na Mungu! Kupitia mhusika mkuu ndani ya hadithi hiyo, Tressel aliwaambia wafanyakazi kuwa njia nyepesi ya kuthibitisha kuwa makasisi wao walikuwa wanasema uwongo ni kuwapa changamoto ya kunywa sumu hadharani kwa sababu Bibilia inasema wazi kuwa muumini wa kweli kabisa hata akinywa sumu haitamdhuru!

Wachambuzi wa siasa za Uingereza za kipindi hicho cha mwanzoni mwa karne ya ishirini wanaamini kuwa kitabu hicho cha Tressel kilikuwa na mchango mkubwa katika ushindi wa chama cha Labor pale chama hicho kiliposhinda kwa mara ya kwanza na kufanikiwa kuunda serikali mnamo mwaka 1924.

Mkakati wa watawala na mabwenyenye ya Ulaya kutumia ukristo kama 'kasumba' ya kuwaleweshea watu ili watawalike na kunyonywa kwa urahisi haukuishia kwenye mipaka ya bara hilo. Wakati tawala za Ulaya zilipokutana na kuamua kugawana bara la Afrika, wamishenari walitumiwa kama 'advance party', yaani wasafisha njia.

Kutokana na uzoefu ziliokuwa nao, tawala hizo zilijua fika kwamba itakuwa ni rahisi zaidi kwa wenyeji wa bara hili kuukubali ukoloni iwapo wenyeji hao tayari watakuwa wametiwa kwenye ukristo.

Afrika Mashariki ni mfano mzuri. Mnamo mwaka wa 1863, makasisi wa Holy Ghost Fathers walitua Zanzibar - nchi ya kiislamu – na kuomba waruhusiwe kufungua kituo chao. Tukio hili ambalo lilikuwa la kwanza la kurasimisha ukristo katika ukanda wa Afrika Mashariki lilitokea takriban miaka 20 kabla ya mkutano wa Berlin wa mwaka 1884. Mkutano huu ndio ulioigawa rasmi ardhi ya Afrika katika mapande mapande na kila tawala iliyohudhuria mkutano huo kukabidhiwa kipande au mapande yake ili kusimika ukoloni.

Baada ya vita kuu ya pili ya dunia, Marekani ilianza kuweka shinikizo kwa mataifa ya Ulaya ili yatoe uhuru wa bendera kwa makoloni yao; na kupisha njia ya kusimikwa kwa ukoloni mamboleo. Kama ilivyokuwa wakati wa ukoloni mkongwe, ukristo ulitumiwa tena kama mbeleko ya kuubebea huo ukoloni mamboleo.

Zilitumika juhudi kubwa kuhakikisha kuwa takriban viongozi wote wa mwanzo wa zile nchi ambazo zilikuwa zimekabidhiwa uhuru wa bendera ni wakristo, ambao pamoja na mambo mengine, wana jukumu pia la kulinda maslahi ya ukristo dhidi ya yale ya Taifa.

Tanzania ni mfano mzuri. Pamoja na jitihada kubwa sana zinazoendelea usiku na mchana za kumtukuza Mwal. Julius Kambarage Nyerere, Nyerere alikuwa ni mmoja wa viongozi hao. Mwandishi Jan P van Bergen katika kitabu chake Development and religion in Tanzania, amefichua taarifa za kikao cha siri Ikulu ya Dar es Salaam mnamo Agosti 3, 1970 kati ya Rais Julius Nyerere, Padri Robert Rweyemamu na muwakilishi wa Papa, Giovanni Cerrano. Kwa mujibu wa van Bergen, katika kikao hicho Nyerere aliwaeleza viongozi wake wa dini kuwa ameunda idara ya elimu ya siasa katika TANU na amemuweka Padri aiongoze kwa sababu ya imani yake madhubuti. Aliwaeleza pia kuwa katika Kamati kuu ya chama ameweka Mapadri lengo likiwa kulipa Kanisa fursa na uwezo mkubwa hapa Tanzania.

Kutokana na matendo na kauli za maaskofu mbalimbali katika kampeni za uchaguzi mkuu zinazoendelea hivi sasa inaonekana dhahiri kuwa rais Kikwete hatakiwi tena na maaskofu. Moja ya matendo ya dhahiri kabisa kufanywa na maaskofu yanayoonyesha msimamo wao ni lile tukio la kuukataa mwaliko wake wa kufuturu naye kule Mbeya wakati wa mfungo wa mwezi mtukufu wa Ramadhani uliomalizika hivi karibuni.

Lakini ukitaka kujua kuwa kweli safari hii hawamtaki, rejea matamshi ya askofu Zakariah Kakobe wakati akitoa elimu ya mpiga kura kwa waumini wake, ambapo pia aliitumia fursa hiyo kufuta ibada katika makanisa yake yote siku ya Jumapili ya uchaguzi, ili tu awe na uhakika kuwa kila muumini wake hatakuwa na kisingizio cha kuacha kwenda kupiga kura.

Kakobe amenukuliwa akiwataka waumini wake wasitilie maanani tabia binafsi za wagombea zinazohusu mahusiano yao ya kingono, na badala yake waangalie kile ambacho amekiita, 'kipaji' cha mgombea. Pamoja na kwamba hakumtaja kwa jina, lakini kwa kuzingatia kuwa kati ya wagombea wote wanaowania nafasi ya uraisi kwa sasa, ni Dr. Slaa pekee ndiye aliyekumbwa na kashfa ya ngono, moja kwa moja inaonyesha kuwa Kakobe alikuwa anawapa maagizo waumini wake wajitokeze kwa wingi siku ya kupiga kura na kumpigia Dr. Wilbrod Slaa.

Jambo la kushangaza sana kwa ndugu zangu maaskofu ni kwamba, ukiondoa mambo kadhaa yanayomwongezea sifa, 'Kikwete chaguo la Mungu' wa 2005, ndiye huyo huyo ambaye tunaye mwaka 2010. Hata hivyo tofauti na Kikwete wa 2005, hivi sasa Kikwete amekomaa zaidi, kwa maana ya kwamba ameongezeka umri na pia amepata uzoefu wa ziada. Katika tamaduni zetu za Kiafrika 'Mtu mzima ni dawa' , na katika taratibu za uendeshaji wa mambo 'uzoefu wa kina' ni jambo linalotukuzwa.

Aidha Kikwete na serikali yake wameweka mtandao mkubwa wa shule za sekondari za kata na kuongeza kwa kiwango kikubwa sana nafasi za masomo katika taasisi za elimu ya juu, hususan kupitia ujenzi wa chuo kikuu cha Dodoma kinachochukua zaidi ya wanafunzi 40,000 na kile ambacho kiko mbioni kujengwa mkoani Mara kitakachochukua idadi hiyo hiyo ya Wanafunzi. Ni wazi kabisa kuwa katika kipindi cha miaka kumi ijayo mtandao huu wa shule za sekondari na vyuo vikuu utakuwa umefuta kabisa pengo kubwa la kielimu lililopo siyo tu kijiografia, lakini pia kati ya jamii mbalimbali nchini.

Miaka kumi ijayo jamii ya Waislamu haitakuwa tena na sababu za kusema kuwa serikali inawapendelea Wakristo katika nyanja ya elimu; na viongozi wa serikali nao hawatakuwa tena na wakati mgumu wa kuwaambia Waislamu kuwa 'tatizo lao ni la kihistoria' kila wanapofikishiwa malalamiko ya Waislamu. Bila shaka hali hii siyo tu kuwa itaimaarisha mshikamano nchini, lakini pia itakuwa imeweka msingi mzuri kutuhakikishia kuwa amani tuliyonayo nchini inazidi kudumu.

Kikwete pia ametoa mchango mkubwa sana kwa demokrasia nchini kwa kitendo chake cha kubariki maridhiano baina ya vyama vya CCM na CUF kule Zanzibar. Tofauti na Watangulizi wake ambao walikuwa wakifanya kila linalowezekana kuhakikisha kuwa Zanzibar muda wote inaendelea kuwa chini ya genge la CCM wahafidhina, Kikwete kwa mara ya kwanza katika historia ya nchi yetu amejenga mazingira ya kuhamisha kitovu cha madaraka kutoka kwenye mikono ya wahafidhina hao, na kukiweka kwenye mikono ya Wananchi. Kama jina lake lilivyo, Serikali ya umoja wa kitaifa Zanzibar itakuwa ni serikali ya Wananchi kwa kila hali.

Aidha, tofauti na Mkapa ambaye aliunda tume ya Warioba kwa nia ya kutambua vyanzo na mianya ya rushwa na kisha baada ya kukabidhiwa ripoti akaifungia kabatini na kuisahau; Kikwete kwa mara ya kwanza katika historia ya nchi amethubutu kuondoa kulindana na u-mwenzetu katika vita dhidi ya ufisadi.

Kitendo chake cha kuruhusu kesi kadhaa za vigogo wa serikali yake na ile ya mtangulizi wake, Benjamin Mkapa, kufikikishwa mahakamani kujibu tuhuma mbalimbali za ufisadi; ni kielelezo cha wazi cha mabadiliko hayo ya msingi yanayolenga kuondoa dhana kuwa kuna watu 'wasioguswa' na sheria.

Thamani ya kitendo chake haimo kwenye utambulisho binafsi wa nani kafikishwa mahakamani na nani hajafikishwa, ila iko katika 'ujasiri wa kuvunja mwiko' ambao tumeuzoea kuwa siku zote wanaokamatwa na kufikishwa mahakani ni vidagaa tu wakati mapapa, masangara na manyangumi ya ufisadi yanaachiwa yaendelee 'kutesa'.

Aidha kitendo chake cha kuliachia bunge lichunguze kwa kina zabuni ya ukodishaji wa mitambo ya umeme iliyozaa kashfa ya Richmond na kupelekea aliyekuwa waziri mkuu, Edward Lowasa na mawaziri wenzake wawili kujiuzulu, ni moja ya vielelezo vya 'ujasiri huo wa kuvunja mwiko'.

Kashfa ya Richmond haina tofauti sana na kashfa ya ununuzi wa meli ya MV Bukoba enzi za utawala wa Mwalimu Nyerere. Hata hivyo tofauti ni kwamba enzi ya Nyerere bunge halikuwa na uhuru wa kujadili lolote kwa kina; na kwa maana hiyo basi mjadala wa kina juu ya kashfa ya meli hiyo ukaepukwa.

Enzi ya Nyerere zilikuwepo pia kashfa za kukodi ndege mbovu, kashfa ya farasi wa makatibu kata, nakadhalika. Utawala wa Nyerere ulikwepa kashfa hizi kwa sababu tu vyombo huru vya habari havikuwepo; na pia kwa sababu Nyerere hakuona haya kutumia mamlaka ya kikatiba aliyokuwa nayo kutishia kuvunja bunge pale lilipoonekana kutaka kuchafua hali ya hewa. Tusisahau kuwa hadi leo raisi wa Tanzania bado ana mamlaka hayo kikatiba, na Kikwete angeweza kuyatumia kama angetaka.

Kama nia ni mabadiliko, huenda maaskofu wangehangaika kumpigia debe Prof. Lipumba kwa kigezo cha sifa huenda kidogo tungewaelewa; kwani hakuna mtu yeyote mkweli ambaye hatakiri kuwa Prof. Lipumba kawazidi sifa kwa kila hali wagombea wenzake wanaowania nafasi ya uraisi kwa sasa.

Lakini maaskofu hao wanapojifunga vibwebwe kujaribu kuwaghilibu wafuasi wao kuwa 'wasiangalie mambo binafsi ya wagombea' wakati wa kupiga kura, hata kama mambo hayo yanakiuka zile AMRI KUMI ZA MUNGU, hapo ni lazima tupate wasiwasi juu ya ajenda halisi ya maaskofu wetu. Ndiyo maana tunauliza: Hivi kweli hizi ni kampeni, au ni vita ya msalaba?

AFRICA'S DEMOCRACY DEFICIT

CONTRIBUTED By Meshach K. Ampwera.
The author meshachampwera@yahoo.com is an Alumni of Mbarara University of Science and Technology.

Africa's Democracy Deficit: A Reflection

Nowhere is Africa's democracy deficit more clearly shown than in Sub-Saharan Africa, a region where economics determines politics of the day and where a culture of democracy has been absent most of the time. For instance, there are few countries in Sub-Saharan Africa that extensively define democratic opportunities for the youth. Even the little democratic opportunities are economically conditioned especially during elections because of poverty, illiteracy and unemployment.

Democracy is the most complex of all forms of government because it is not compatible with all African traditions. For example, a transition from chiefdoms to democratic institutions will take time to fully embrace Western democracy. Every time African leaders try to adjust to the tunes of Western democracy, economic interests get in because it is filled with tensions and contradictions, and requires that its members labor diligently to make it work.

Democracy that is based on Sub-Saharan African traditions can be surplus or balanced to address both personal and social concerns like poverty, access to scarce national resources, education, pandemics or inequality. This is possible if a fine line is drawn between giving the executives (democratically elected presidents) sufficient powers to do the job and, at the same time, limiting that authority to prevent a dictatorship.This will make the presidents lead through their political skills, establishing a framework of co-operation with the legislature and above all with the people. The citizenry will consequently feel secure and apprehend that the presidents are always servants and not economic parasites.

In Sub-Saharan Africa, democracy is known for economic gains instead of accountability. Whoever goes to power through democracy perceives it as a finished product, not always evolving and for economic interests. Sub-Saharan leaders should not forget the best-known definition of democracy as "the government of the people, by the people, and for the people" (Abraham Lincoln 1809-1865).

Most Sub-Saharan African governments have changed the perception of democracy. For example, during presidential elections, they have always fought to be both loved and feared using national resources and to them, that seems to be the very best understanding of democracy. The governments try to keep their subjects faithful. They do not care about the infamy of cruelty, because very few elections have been free and fair. When one wants to be both loved and feared, it will be difficult to preserve democracy.

Similarly, if it is in the Sub-Saharan context, democracy can act as a political system that is capable of correcting its own dysfunctions. It is largely restricted to the economic institutional framework and not embodied in a culture, a state of mind that fosters tolerance and respect for other people, as well as pluralism, equilibrium and dialogue between the forces that make up a society.

In cases where Western democracy is to partly work in Sub-Saharan Africa, it requires all social, economic, governmental and non-governmental actors, as well as the relationship which links or separates them, to be taken into consideration. This further requires to be examined more closely so that public opinion everywhere can apprehend the challenge it represents. Most Sub-Saharan constitutions tilt toward dictatorships which are used to weaken the most important system of checks and balances that should help to involve the auxiliary precautions of impeachment and removal for high crimes and misdemeanors. Without checks and balances, democracy remains a deficit in Sub-Saharan Africa.

The checks and balances help to limit economic interests and presidential prerogatives. For instance, presidential appointments to high level government positions must be consented by the parliament through majority votes. The presidential powers to ratify treaties should be subject to the advice and consent of two thirds of the parliament. Any presidential executive order or agreement (with another nation) should be subject to the power of judicial review, whereby the Supreme Court may declare the order null and void on grounds that it is unconstitutional.

It is worth noting two major understandings of democracy in Sub-Saharan Africa: The first being political, where most Sub-Saharan nations fall. This is where leaders perceive their election as the apex and end of democracy. The second is economic, which seldom helps people. This defeats the purpose of democracy. For the former, political life is highest. For the latter, economic life is lowest. These differences have thus far remained unnoticed, or at least insufficiently understood. Nevertheless, severe decline or loss in the equal practice of both the former and latter would be a source of corruption of the well-being.

I partly agree with Alexis de Tocqueville who is widely regarded as the most astute of American democracy that, "success is confined to the present; the long-term is insignificant. To live for ages is undemocratic sentiment. It is appropriate for democracy; to put limits on the exercise of leadership, but it would be a blunder to try to eliminate it". Therefore, for Sub-Saharan Africa to come out of democracy deficit, economic interests in the politics of every day should be checked. Above all, Africa should grow its own democracy that will among other factors emphasize the importance of education in civic responsibility in a bid to inculcate in modern individuals a commitment to public service.

KWA NINI PAUL KAGAME HUSHINDA KWA KISHINDO RWANDA

Rwanda's Savior Has Become a Monster

· Ruth Wedgwood

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Ruth Wedgwood

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· Rwanda's Savior Has Become a Monster

· August 5, 2010 | 12:00 am

· http://www.tnr.com/sites/default/themes/tnr/images/icon_email.gif

If you’re a betting person, here’s a safe bet: On August 9, the balloting in the east African state of Rwanda will give world-famous military leader Paul Kagame yet another seven-year term as president. The astonishing margin of victory will impress even the modern grand viziers of Central Asia. The outcome is quite easy to predict, when no other candidates are allowed to campaign.

Given this and much else besides, it’s time Washington began to create some distance from a man who has earned his reputation as a de facto despot who terrorizes critics and does not shrink from political violence.

Kagame revels in his fame as the strategist who led a Tutsi invasion force from Uganda in 1994, pushing back the Hutu army and Hutu militia, though not before they perpetrated a shocking genocidal slaughter of hundreds of thousands of the country’s Tutsi minority, as well as moderate Hutu. Washington, reeling from Somalia and fearing another Black Hawk Down, refused to intervene. Madeline Albright was directed to inform the U.N. Security Council that, no, we would not reconstitute the U.N. peacekeeping force in Rwanda, and, further, the United States would veto any resolution that authorized other countries to do so. It was the season of peacekeeping misadventures, and the Clinton White House decided, as one former National Security Council official recalls, that it could not afford to intervene both in Haiti and Rwanda. Presidential Decision Directive 25, drafted by Richard Clarke as a white paper for peacekeeping, morphed into an excuse to “just say no.”

For the last 15 years, Kagame has at every turn invoked these memories to shoehorn the West into a nearly reflexive support for his government. Even Bill Clinton came back to apologize. Kagame has become a fixture at the United Nations in New York, regaling delegations in the Indonesian Lounge, extolling his vision of benevolent autocracy, claiming to admire Singapore as his model for economic growth and insisting that he and only he can keep Rwanda’s torn society knitted together.

In truth, the Rwandan leader presides over nothing more than hollow democracy. He has attacked and exiled any and all viable political opponents. The local press, as well as international journalists, have been bludgeoned and harassed. The regime uses the Stalinist crime of “divisionism” as a pretext to silence and prosecute any critic who dares question its policies or the state sanctioned version of the 1994 conflict.

Unsurprisingly, the intimidation extends to international institutions. President Clinton supported the effort to create an international war crimes tribunal to mete out justice for perpetrators and victims alike. The U.N. court was tasked to investigate the behavior of both sides in the 1994 conflict, operating from a neutral perch in Tanzania. Prosecutors decided first to take on the crimes of the prior Hutu government and militia, since the scale of its violence was larger and the cooperation of Kigali was necessary to obtain witnesses from Rwanda. A decade later, with numerous convictions under its belt and dozens of Hutu defendants still on trial, the U.N. tribunal turned to smaller-scale allegations against the Tutsi invasion force, Kagame’s Rwandan Patriotic Front—including alleged massacres of civilians in the northeast and northwest of the country, as well as attacks on mostly Hutu refugee camps.

At this point, the Bush Administration decided, unwisely, to pull the plug—repudiating the Hague prosecutor who planned to bring the cases, and insisting that the RPF cases could be entrusted to Kagame’s national courts as part of a “completion strategy.” Needless to say, that was the last of the investigations.

This was unfortunate, and not just for history’s sake. The West’s failure to address Tutsi violations of the laws of war has allowed Kagame to conclude, justifiably, that he can do nearly anything with impunity. He certainly hasn’t been intimidated by the observation of the U.N. Human Rights Committee in May 2009 that it was “concerned at the large number of persons, including women and children, reported to have been killed from 1994 onwards in the course of operations by the Rwanda Patriotic Army, and at the limited number of cases reported to have resulted in prosecution and punishment by the Rwandan courts.”

Nor has there been any penalty for Kagame's destructive expedition into the Eastern Congo. The cross-border intervention gave the regime access to minerals ripe for extraction and valued in the hundreds of millions of dollars. Millions of civilians have been killed in the Eastern Congo conflict, and while Kagame was not the only culprit, his troops hardly quelled the violence.

At the same time, Kagame’s domestic critics have met with unfortunate fates. An outspoken political rival was recently shot and wounded in South Africa. A prominent newspaper editor was gunned down at the end of June, and the deputy president of the Democratic Green party was decapitated in July. Public meetings of rival parties have been banned. Kagame felt audacious enough to jail and threaten a 10-20 year sentence against an American lawyer and law professor–-who hails from former Supreme Court Chief Justice Warren Burger’s alma mater in Minnesota—when he went to Rwanda to consult with one of Kagame’s political rivals.

Other smash-mouth ironies abound in this muzzled state. In 2007, President Kagame offered to contribute 3000 Rwandan troops to the peacekeeping force in Darfur, but only if his former chief of military intelligence, Emmanuel Karenzi Karake, was brought on as deputy U.N. force commander for the entire mission. Though Karake’s earlier career was dogged by unresolved allegations of atrocities against civilians in the northwest and northeast regions of Rwanda, the State Department’s Africa desk reportedly vouched for Karake and he got his appointment. In the middle of the mission, a Spanish court indicted Karake for war crimes, and still, he was reappointed to a second term. (Karake has now apparently broken with Kagame; he was arrested in April on "serious charges of immoral conduct.")

Even Rwanda’s celebrated “gacaca” process—sending accused genocidaires to be tried and sentenced in local settings, rather than molder without trial in inconceivably overcrowded prisons—has not lived up to its reputation. The U.N. Human Rights Committee recently noted the “lack of legal training for judges and reports of corruption” in the Gacaca courts—along with impairment of “the rights of defence” even “in cases where sentences of up to 30 years’ imprisonment may be handed down.”

In promoting humanitarian and democratic ends abroad, the Obama administration initially got off to a slow start. The ideals of Eleanor Roosevelt took a back seat to the desire to be “not Bush.”

But the record has lately improved. With this new moral realism, the Obama team ought to take a close and critical look at its erstwhile friend in Africa. He is not what he seems.

Ruth Wedgwood is a visiting fellow at the Hoover Institution and a professor of international law at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies.

MZALENDO WA KWELI !

THOTHI: [www.eThinkTankTz.org] Mzalendo wa kweli





Mtanzania yeyote Mzalendo wa kweli, mwenye akili timamu, asiye na mtindio wa ubongo, wala mtumwa wa hila chafu, wala udumavu wa kiakili, tena asiye na utando wa buibui wala tongotongo za ufisadi machoni, wala asiye mzembe wa kufikiri, anaalikwa asome kwa uangalifu na azingatie makala hii na awashirikishe ndugu, jamaa na marafiki zake popote pale walipo..

Dr Slaa yes we can! Huyu ni mtanzania wa pili baada ya Nyerere kuchukia ufisadi kwa vitendo. Ni mtanzania wa pili kuchukia umaskini wa watanzania kwa vitendo. Ni Dr. Slaa aliyesimama na kutaja majina ya wala rushwa na mafisadi. Akataka wale wanaopinga wampeleke mahakamani. Hakuna aliyethubutu kujitokeza kumpeleka mahakamani.

Ni Dr. Slaa aliyesimama bungeni kuomba posho za wabunge kupungzwa kuzielekeza zaidi kwa watanzania maskini. Ni Dr Slaa aliyesimama bila woga kunyosha vidole kwa matumizi mabaya ya ofisi za umma. Ni Dr Slaa amekuwa mtanzania baada ya Nyerere kutoa hoja za nguvu zinazomlenga kumkomboa mtanzania maskini. Maisha bora kwa kila mtanzania yako wapi? Ajira milioni moja ziko wapi? Hebu mwenye mbavu za kujibu swali hili ajibu bila unafiki!

Ni Dr Slaa anayeweza kudhibiti matumizi mabaya ya ofisi za umma. Ni Dr Slaa anayeweza kuwapa elimu ya bure watoto wetu pale mlimani. Achana na longolongo za CCM kuwatoza ushuru watoto. Waulizeni majukwaani wao Nyerere aliwatoza ada? Kama si kutaka watanzania waendelee kuwa mambumbumbu ni nini? kama si kutaka watanzania tuendeleee kuwa watumwa ni nini?

Ni Dr. Slaa anayeongelea treni ya umeme kwenda Kigoma, Dodoma, Tabora, na Mwanza. Waulize mpango wao ccm kama si kuwapa wahindi wanaoleta mabehewa ambayo mababu zetu walitumia wakati wa ukoloni. Sasa wahindi wanabaki kutudanganya na bajaji wakati vyuma chakavu vya reli sasa vinatumika kujenga vyoo. Hawa hawatutakii mema. Hawana tofauti na akina Carl Peters.

Ni Dr Slaa anayeongelea mfumko wa bei -nani hajajua dola leo hii ni sawa na tsh 1500. Uchumi unadidimia kwa kasi. Ahadi nyingine za uongo lukuki zinatolewa tena, wakati zile tulizoahidiwa mwaka 2005, hata moja haijatekelezwa. Watanzania walio wengi na hasa wa vijijini, wamelala usingizi. Wanafumbuliwa macho, lakini wamesinzia bado! Wanatabasamu, wanachekelea na kuridhika na vitisheti vya kijani na vikofia za njano. Wamekwishazoea shida kiasi kwamba wanadhani ni sehemu ya maisha yao. Ee mwenyezi Mungu, tunusuru na hili balaa..

Ni Dr.Slaa anaweza kuzuia wizi wa matrilion ya pesa kutoka migodi yetu ya Buzwagi, Geita, Bulyankulu, Buhemba, Nyamongo, Tulawaka, Nzega na Tanzanite. CCM wameshindwa kwa sababu ni washirka wakubwa na wameruhusu wizi huo. Ni Dr Slaa anaeweza kuwalipa wafanyakazi zaidi ya shilingi 350.000 achana na CCM ambayo imeshindwa kusimamia maliasili ambazo zingeliwapa wafanyakazi kima cha chini kinachokidhi mahitaji yao.

Ni Dr.Slaa anayeweza kusimamia mashirika ya umma kuleta tija achana na CCM wanaofyonza michango yetu kule, kwani haya mashirika yameshindwa nini kuwajengea nyumba wanachama wake? Mbona kwingine yameweza? Ni Dr.Slaa anayeweza kuongoza nchi bila woga, kwa utawala wa kweli wa sheria bila kuwaonea watu wala bila kulipiza visasi.

Ni Dr. Slaa ambaye amepanga kubadili katiba ili Rais afuate matakwa ya walio mwajiri ambao ni wananchi. Waulize CCM hata kama mtu kaiba anapewa mda arudishe pesa. Hivi inaingia akilini kweli? Utawala wa sheria uko wapi? Naomba niwape heko ITV kwa kuturejeshe kwenye hotuba za mwalimu. Katika hotuba yake moja alisema waziri mmoja kule uingereza aliandikwa kidogo tu gazetini juu ya kashfa, yule waziri alijiuzulu na waziri mkuu hata hakumjibu bali aliteua mtu mwingine.

CCM hawawezi hayo? Eti wanataka ushahidi. Nani kawambia rushwa tule wawili harafu tutoe vielelezo? Tunaiona rushwa kwa matokeo yake. Matengenezo ya barabara ya bilion 200, baada ya siku mbili imeharibika. Kwanini usimfukuze waziri na katibu wake wa wizara kwanza? CCM hawawezi! eti wanataka vielelezo!

Ni Dr Slaa anayeweza kufanya hayo. Si tumeona mnazi mmoja alivyowataja mafisadi wote! hapo akiwa ni mbunge tu! Je akiwa rais si watakimbia nchi? Jamani nawambia tumpe miaka mitano tu awakurupushe muone moto utakavyowaka.. Tutapata dawa, tutapata shule za bure, tutapata madawati. Jamani hivi kweli karne ya leo watoto wanasoma wamekaa chini? we must be serious! Hivi kweli dunia ya leo watu wanavuliwa nguo njiani kwenda Mwanza, Shinyanaga, Tabora, Kigoma, Mbeya, Lindi na Mtwara kwa sababu ya usafiri wa malori?

Nani asiye jua madaktari wetu wengi bingwa wapo botswana kwa sababu ya maisha duni Tanzania na hivi kwenda kutafuta maisha bora wakati hapa kwetu wananchi maskini wanakufa bila madawa? Nani asiyejua matatizo ya umeme, maji, makazi, maradhi, yanavyotutesa? Nani asiyejua wakulima wetu wasivyokuwa na masoko ya mazao yao? Nani asiejua asilimia 85 ya watanzania wanatumia vibatari au makoroboi kama mwanga? nani asiejua tunavyonyonywa na hawa wakoloni waliokuja kuchukua kila kitu??

Jamani wafanyakazi, wakulima, na wanafunzi, kwa nini mnalala usingizi? Kwa nini mnapiga miayo ya njaa wakati maghala yetu yamejaa nafaka? Ni akili gani hii? Nchi yetu inazo raslimali za kututosha, lakini wanaozifaidi ni vibaka wachache. Mtalala hadi lini?

Ni Dr Slaa mzalendo wa kweli, na sio kwa ajili ya sifa, anaweza kutuvusha tulipo. Nchi hii ni maskini na umaskini wenyewe ni wa kujitakia. Tanzania ni tajiri tuna kila kitu - mito, maziwa, national parks, migodi, mazao ya misitu, na kila aina ya utajiri. Lakini tuko maskini wa kutupwa! Naona huruma na umaskini wa kifikra wa watanzania.

Hivi kuna mtu hajui mapolisi wanalala kwenye vibanda vya mabati? Hivi kuna ambao hawajui mapolisi watendaji wanalipwa laki moja? Wamekosa nini hawa? Ni ajabu! pamoja na laki yao moja utakuta bado wanatumika kuwanyanyasa watetezi wao. Hata maaskari amkeni hiyo laki moja yenu haina tija hadi mrubuniwe kuwanyanyasa wapinzani ambao kimsingi wanawatetea ninyi! Hivi maaskari mnayo macho ya kuona? Jamani tuache woga inawezekana! Mbona Kenya wameweza? Mbona malawi wameweza?Mbona zimbabwe wameweza? Mbona Ghana wameweza? Kufanya mabadiliko sahihi, inawezakana na nafasi ni hii tuitumie.

Tumtume Dr Slaa atukurupushie wezi wote na atuwekee katiba sawa. Huo ndio msingi wa yote. Ni Dr. Slaa asiyeogopa kuwepo na mgombea binafsi. CCM hili hawaliwezi. Wamelipinga hadi mahakamani. Wanataka wao tu ndio waendelee kututawala na kutunyonya.

Jamani 2010 hakuna kudanganyika! enough is enough. Acheni kudanganyika. Wakati ndio huu. Watanzania msipoamua sasa, mtamlaumu nani tena? Nawatamani watu wa kule Mara -hakuna kura inaibiwa. Zote zinasimamiwa. Tukibadilika inawezekana, tena ni rahisi. Peleke ujumbe huu kwa marafiki, ndugu, jamaa, babu na bibi yako kule kijiji ambako wanadhani bado Nyerere ndiye rais wa nchi hii. Peleka ujumbe huu haraka kwa simu kama ipo, au kwa njia ya posta, mradi tu wale jamaa waliochoka kuishi wasiikwapue barua wakidhani ni hela..

FREDERICK SUMAYE ASHITAKIWA KWA KIKWETE KILOSA

Imeandikwa na Mgaya Kingoba, Kilosa; Tarehe: 6th September 2010 Habari Leo

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Waziri Mkuu katika Serikali ya Awamu ya Tatu, Frederick Sumaye



WANANCHI wa vijiji vya Mvumi na Mvomero mkoani Morogoro, wamewashitaki mfanyabiashara Jeetu Patel na Waziri Mkuu wa Awamu ya Tatu, Frederick Sumaye kwa Rais Jakaya Kikwete, kwa kuhodhi ardhi kubwa bila kuiendeleza na kutaka wanyang’anywe.

Kwa nyakati tofauti jana, wananchi hao walieleza masikitiko yao kwa Rais Kikwete wakati aliposimama kuwasalimia akiwa katika kampeni ya kuomba kura ili achaguliwe tena kuiongoza Tanzania baadaye mwaka huu.

Akiwa njiani kutoka Kilosa alikohutubia mkutano mkubwa wa kampeni, mgombea huyo wa CCM alisimama katika Kijiji cha Mvumi, ambako moja ya kero alizokumbana nazo ni ya Jeetu kuhodhi mashamba makubwa matatu.

Kwa mujibu wa Mwenyekiti wa Kijiji hicho, Jeetu ambaye ni mfanyabiashara maarufu wa Dar es Salaam, anamiliki mashamba hayo na hayamudu katika uwekezaji wake, na zaidi anayakodisha kwa wananchi kwa Sh 50,000.

“Jeetu Patel, amehodhi mashamba bila ya kuyamudu na anatoza shilingi elfu hamsini kwa ajili ya kulima. Suala hili limepelekwa kwa uongozi wa Wilaya na Mkoa, lakini hakuna utatuzi,” alisema na kushangiliwa na wananchi wenzake.

Mbali ya kero hiyo, Mwenyekiti huyo alizitaja kero nyingine ambazo serikali inapaswa kuzifanyia kazi ni maji, elimu na barabara.

Akijibu hoja ya suala la Jeetu Patel, Rais Kikwete alisema, “niacheni nihangaike nalo, halikuwahi kufika kwangu, ndio kwanza nalisikia kwenu, lakini hakuna lisilowezekana. Niachieni nitafute ukweli wake.”

Akiwa Kijiji cha Mvomero katika Wilaya ya Mvomero, kilio cha ardhi kilisikika tena, na safari hii, kilimgusa Waziri Mkuu wa kipindi chote cha miaka 10 ya Awamu ya Tatu, Sumaye anayemiliki ardhi kijijini hapo.

Mwenyekiti wa Kijiji hicho hakuwepo wakati Rais Kikwete aliposimama na kusalimia wananchi, lakini mgombea wa udiwani wa CCM, Selemani Shomari maarufu Siri, alieleza wazi kero inayowasumbua ni shamba la Sumaye.

“Tunataka shamba la Mheshimiwa Sumaye lirudi katika Mamlaka ya Mji Mdogo kwa sababu lipo katikati ya mji,” alisema Shomari na kushangiliwa na maelfu ya wakazi wenzake wa mji huo wa Mvomero.

Kama ilivyokuwa katika majibu yake kwa wananchi wa Mvumi, Rais Kikwete alisema, “niachieni nihangaike nalo, nilijue vizuri na kupata majawabu stahili, kwa sababu ardhi ikishatolewa na serikali, kubadili ni lazima ufuate taratibu.”

Shamba la Sumaye alilolinunua akiwa madarakani, linadaiwa lilikuwa la Ushirika wa Wakulima wa Mvomero, uhamishaji wa miliki yake unadaiwa kwamba haukufuata utaratibu husika. Sakata lake lilivuma sana mwaka 2005.

Akiwa Dumila, alilalamikiwa na wananchi wa mji huo kuwa ekari zao 420 zimeporwa na Mkurugenzi Mtendaji wa Wilaya ya Kilosa pamoja na maofisa ardhi, licha ya hati za kijiji kuonesha kuwa ni mali yao.

bali ya kuzungumzia suala la shamba la Sumaye lililoko katika barabara iendayo Kijiji cha Makuyu, Shomari alizitaja shida zao nyingine kuwa ni maji; kituo cha afya; kituo cha Polisi na gari lake na kujengewa barabara za mitaa.

Akijibu hoja hizo, Rais Kikwete alisema atawapigania wapate Mamlaka ya Mji Mdogo, hivyo kuweza kumudu kujenga barabara zao wenyewe na pia atasaidia kupatikana kwa kituo cha afya.

Akiwa njiani kutoka Kilosa alikoanza kampeni zake jana, Rais Kikwete alisimama katika vijiji vya Ilonga, Mvumi, Msowero, Kitete, Dumila, Mvomero na kuwasili Turiani ambako alihutubia mkutano mkubwa jioni.

MORE DOMESTIC VIOLENCE IN THE WORLD - SAUDI A

The Miami Herald
Posted on Tue, Aug. 31, 2010
Foreign women are treated like slaves

BY FRIDA GHITIS
FJGhitis@gmail.com
COLOMBO, Sri Lanka -- When Mrs. L.P. Ariyawathie showed up at the hospital in the town of Kamburupitiya, near the southern tip of Sri Lanka, few could imagine that the 49-year-old mother of three would make headlines across the world. Normally, the news from Sri Lanka fails to garner much international attention. Ariyawhathie's story, however, managed what decades of civil war, suicide bombings and last year's bloody end to a brutal war failed to do: It made the world pay attention. At first, the woman whose eyes still radiate intense sadness told a story almost too bizarre to believe, except that Sri Lankans have already heard disturbing tales from poor friends traveling to strange lands to earn a living. Those stories are often most outrageous when they describe the experiences of women traveling to Saudi Arabia, as Ariyawhathie did.

In May, she started working as a housekeeper with a Saudi family. The suffering began immediately, with cruel mockery by her employer every time she tried to speak the few words in Arabic she had learned in preparation to leave her home and her family and travel to the mysterious kingdom. Before long, the taunts turned to torture. Then one day, after she accidentally broke a plate, her boss asked if she was blind, aiming his hand toward one of her eyes. When she raised her arm over her face, the first nail went in. By the time she made it back home to Sri Lanka and arrived at the hospital, her Saudi employer had hammered 24 nails and needles into her hands, legs and forehead.

This is not another story about the unspeakable sorrow that poverty inflicts on its victims. It's about how some of the wealthiest, most privileged people on Earth fail the most basic test of humanity, and how the time has come for the Saudi government -- which never tires of proclaiming its piousness -- to make reforms aimed at protecting the most vulnerable in its midst.

Saudi Arabia hosts some eight million foreigners, mostly poor people from Asia and the Middle East, desperate for work. Hundreds of thousands are women employed as domestic workers, living in conditions that are often no better than slavery. Some 400,000 Sri Lankans live there, mostly women working in private homes. Too many of them experience horrific abuse, including beatings, rape and even murder.

Sri Lankan politician Ranjan Ramanayake says he frequently receives pleading calls from relatives of workers in the Gulf. ``Saudi Arabia is the worst,'' he noted. ``It is followed by Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon and Abu Dhabi. Our mothers, sisters and daughters undergo unspeakable harassment.''

Under a Saudi system called Kafala, workers become practically property of employers, surrendering their passport on arrival, becoming trapped in a country where law and culture leave laborers, especially foreigners, with few rights. The situation for migrant women -- impossible as it would seem -- is far worse.

Nonpayment of wages across the board has been thoroughly documented by human rights and labor organizations, as have harsh working and living conditions. But nothing compares to the plight of South Asian women in Saudi Arabia, and for that matter in much of the Middle East.

There is no shortage of examples. Earlier this year, 26-year-old Balakrishnan Dharshan, who had left the Sri Lankan city of Kandy to work in Saudi Arabia, was found dead, her body covered with burn marks. A 25-year-old Indonesian housekeeper lost fingers, toes and part of a foot after her employer kept her tied in the bathroom. A Saudi paper reported last year that the Sri Lankan embassy receives 10 runaway maids every day.

The situation is so desperate that India and Nepal have already banned their women from accepting placements in Saudi Arabia, following thousands of abuse reports.

Kafala ensures that workers have practically no recourse and often no way out. Attitudes towards women, non-Muslims, foreigners and workers in menial occupations set the stage for brutality and impunity.

If the Saudis want to earn some respect from the rest of the world, they now have our attention. All abusers should be prosecuted and punished.

But there's more. Not only should foreign workers have a right to keep their passports and leave the country without special permission, but the laws must be revised to protect their most basic rights. The Ariyawathie case made the world look in a direction it seldom does, toward Sri Lanka. What the world saw, however, is what most urgently needs to change in Saudi Arabia.


http://www.miamiherald.com/2010/08/31/1799823/foreign-women-are-treated-like.html#none

DOMESTIC VIOLENCE BREEDING A VISCIOUS CIRCLE OF MORE DOMESTIC VIOLENCE

Maid ‘killed mother and daughter’
Awad Mustafa

* Last Updated: August 17. 2010 12:13AM UAE / August 16. 2010 8:13PM GMT

DUBAI // A housemaid stabbed her employer 70 times before killing the woman’s two-year-old daughter by setting fire to the home on Saturday, according to police.

The 21-year-old African maid fled the scene, but she was found by police hiding in another emirate less than 24 hours later and arrested on suspicion of murder, said Lt Col Salim Sultan al Darmaki, the chief of the Ras al Khaimah CID.



The apartment was completely gutted by the blaze, leaving not much more than the toddler’s two bikes, which yesterday lay abandoned in the smoke-streaked corridors of the building.

The killings happened in the Nakheel area of RAK, said the watchman at the building, who spoke on condition of anonymity.

He said he spotted the fire at 8.30am and called police, who arrived within minutes. “There was lots of smoke and broken glass everywhere,” he said.



According to Lt Col al Darmaki, a fire was reported inside the flat where the bodies of a 35-year-old Arab woman and her daughter were found. Police immediately launched a search in a bid to find the housemaid.

The deceased’s Emirati husband told police the maid had started working for the family only 10 days before the deaths.

“Investigators found and arrested the maid in another emirate, where she was staying with female compatriots,” said Lt Col al Darmaki.

The maid, who had been living in the country for just 20 days before her arrest, had already been sacked by two Emirati families before her employment agency sent her to the home where she allegedly killed the mother and child. Police forensic reports show that the woman died from stab wounds while the child died from smoke inhalation.

Lt Col al Darmaki said the maid confessed to police claiming she killed the Arab woman because she mistreated her. Police say that the two women got into an argument and the maid was told she would be sent back to the employment agency.

The mother contacted the agency and ordered the maid to pack her belongings.

The maid then stabbed the woman 70 times in different parts of her body and placed her blood soaked clothes in a bag before setting light to it and fleeing.

The fire swept through the flat, killing the little girl.“She said in her confession that her work was continuously criticised by her employer and they had repeated arguments during which the Arab woman threatened to fire her and send her home,” said Lt Col al Darmaki.

Lt Col al Darmaki warned the hiring of maids should not be taken lightly.
“The decision to employ a servant at home should be taken with a lot of care and caution, and people should always try to treat each other better and avoid conflicts that can lead to such disasters,” he said.

The case has been referred to the public prosecutor.