Monday, December 16, 2013

A FITTING TRIBUTE TO THE GREAT MAN - NELSON ROLIHLAHLA MANDELA

 From the Clearing House:  The News you will never find on CNN.  Posted here on 16 December, 2013.
Ubuntu and the Emancipation of Humans Everywhere

By Horace Campbell

December 12, 2013 "Information Clearing House -"Counterpunch" 

Beijing, China.  

 On Thursday December 5, 2013 the people of South Africa lost one of the foremost freedom fighters and revolutionary who made his mark on humans everywhere. Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela was born in South Africa in 1918 and matured as Africans in South Africa rose to the challenges posed by the most brutal social and economic system of that moment, the system called apartheid.  Mandela has now joined the ancestors and he has left his mark beside those great humans (such as Mahatmas Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr, Rosa Parks, Umm Kulthum, Che Guevara and Rosa Luxemburg) whose greatness emerged from the movements that created them. The forms of struggle that emerged from South Africa inspired the refinement of the philosophy of Ubuntu. This is a philosophy that says one’s humanity is being enriched by another’s and that as humans we are linked to a wider universe and spiritual world. Mandela had said clearly of Ubuntu, “The spirit of Ubuntu – that profound Africa sense that we are human beings only through the humanity of other human beings – is not a parochial phenomenon, but has added globally to our common search for a better world.”
The philosophy of Ubuntu challenged the ideals of individualism, greed, unhealthy competition, obscene self-enrichment and those destructive forms of human association that have brought the planet to the brink of extinction. When the movement elevated Nelson Mandela to the position as President of a politically free South Africa in 1994, after 27 years of incarceration, the political leadership of South Africa sought to give practical meaning to the philosophy of Ubuntu by establishing a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). In all parts of the world, the international media remember Mandela and his contributions to peace and reconciliation but the same corporate media seeks to confuse the youth by marketing  Mandela as an unusual individual who performed the ‘miracle’ of ending apartheid. In the process of the wall to wall media coverage of the celebration of the life of Nelson Mandela, it is important that the voice of Africa is clear on the meaning of Mandela. Mandela was against racism and the dehumanizing social system that created hierarchies.
As peace activists it is vital that we remember Mandela as a defender of peace and social justice and the fact that he was an extraordinary human being. What is important to remember is a product of a social movement; the extraordinary circumstances of the oppression of apartheid created this Mandela. Mandela joined a social movement, the anti-apartheid movement and for a moment in history, he became the symbol of the struggle against war and apartheid. His freedom came from the sacrifices of millions, especially the youth of Soweto and the workers from the Mass Democratic Movement who laid down a marker for the new tactics of revolution. While he was the President of South Africa, Mandela worked for peace in Burundi and Central Africa and worked hard to end the western manipulation of who can be branded as a terrorist.
Those who branded Mandela as a terrorist are seeking to program the minds of the youth to see Mandela as some sort of visionary leader “dropped from heaven” without links to real struggles for peace. Mandela was very clear that his life was linked to the collective struggles of humans everywhere, and when he was released in February 1990 he said, “Amandla, Amandla … I greet you all in the name of peace, democracy and freedom for all. I stand here before you not as a prophet but as a humble servant of you, the people.”
This media coverage of Nelson Mandela challenges contemporary freedom fighters to contemplate new tactics, new tools of struggles and new networks for peace in order to complete the tasks of ending global apartheid. The African National Congress in government had been trapped by its inheritance of the social capital of the apartheid state. New forms of organization and new ideas will be needed as humans gird themselves to fight against the nefarious forms of racism, exclusion and oppression that have been refined by global capital as unbridled capitalism seeks to turn our youths into mindless consumers. It is up to the youth to gird themselves for the new phase of internationalism and peace activism so that we can create the conditions for the inspiration presented by the life of Nelson Mandela to be grasped in all corners of the globe. Mandela lived a full life and we want to add to the tributes as we celebrate his life of struggle.
The society that created Nelson Mandela
As soon as it became clear that the most obscene forms of white supremacy could not survive after the massive resistance of peoples in all parts of the globe, international news programmers began to present Nelson Mandela who, as a visionary leader, single handedly ended apartheid. Books, films, documentaries, blogs and other mainstream media seek to present the changes in South Africa without reference to the reality that Nelson Mandela always represented a liberation movement. Inevitably, as the movement mobilized around the release of Nelson Mandela when he had been incarcerated for 27 years, Mandela became a symbol of the anti-apartheid struggle. As the struggle matured in the final phase after his release from jail on February 11, 1990 the myth making was developed as part of an election campaign. It is this mythmaking that ensured the positive and the negative in the representation of Nelson Mandela to a generation that was not yet born when the liberation struggles were at the peak.
When Mandela was born in the village of Qunu, in the province that was called Cape Province, the Union of South Africa had been formed eight years earlier. The Union government had celebrated the crushing of the Bambata rebellions and in the face of the failure of open military rebellions by regional military forces, the African National Congress had been formed in 1912. Mandela grew up in South Africa in the turbulent period of the 1930’s capitalist depression. It was in the midst of this depression when the capitalists of South Africa refined the repression of black mine workers and inculcated in white workers the idea that they (whites) were not workers but from a superior race. With the villages of South Africa and the wider region of Southern Africa providing cheap labour for the mines, mining capital reaped super profits at a moment when the instability in the international monetary system required a steady supply of gold from South Africa.
The royal families of the pre –Union society could not escape the effects of the deformities of segregation and dehumanization. Missionaries were deployed to teach sons of chiefs and it was from one of the missionaries that Mandela received the name Nelson because the missionaries had difficulties saying Rolihlahla. After this missionary education Mandela was sent to Fort Hare University and it was in this University where the other famous anti-apartheid and anti-colonial stalwarts were groomed. Z. K. Matthews, Govan Mbeki, Oliver Tambo, Joshua Nkomo, Walter Sisulu, Robert Sobukwe, Desmond Tutu and Robert Mugabe were some of the notable students in the forties at this University. As an activist he was expelled from Fort Hare and he went on to study Law at the University of Witwatersrand.
Nelson Mandela joined the African National Congress (ANC) in 1942 and in 1944, along with Walter Sisulu, Robert Sobukwe, and Oliver Tambo, they formed the Youth wing of the ANC. This youth wing joined the hundreds of anti-colonial movements all over the world and when the repressive legal structures of apartheid were formalised to support the social divisions, the peoples responded with a Freedom Charter. The Sharpeville massacres of March 21, 1960 foreclosed all possibilities of a peaceful non –violent opposition to apartheid and in 1962 Mandela was dispatched to the independent states of Africa to gain support for the armed wing of the ANC, Umkhonto we Sizwe (abbreviated as MK, translated as “Spear of the Nation). Mandela was one of the co-founders of MK and he received training in many African countries before he returned to South Africa. Mandela participated in the debates about unity and struggle that were at that time raging in the Pan African Freedom Movement for East and Central Africa (PAFMECA).
Self Organization of the Youth of Soweto
South West Johannesburg (Soweto) was one of those dormitory towns that were a reservoir of cheap labour for the rich and middle class whites in the suburbs of Johannesburg. Mandela was arrested in 1962 for planning “sabotage” of the government and was branded a terrorist by the South African state.  The US military and intelligence agencies worked hand in glove with the apartheid military to crush opposition from the African majority.  From 1973 the workers of Durban had given notice that there would be new organizational forms to oppose apartheid and the youth of Soweto followed with the massive uprisings of 1976. These rebellions are central to the kind of politics that developed in the period when Mandela was incarcerated after the Rivonia trials in 1964.
The sacrifices of the youth and their determination had created new alliances and these alliances matured in the Mass Democratic Movement and the United Democratic Front (UDF). While Nelson Mandela as a lawyer had been groomed to focus on the legal questions of the apartheid laws, the social questions of health, education, housing, police brutality placed the fight against apartheid on a new terrain as the ANC worked to remain alive in the heat of the conservative push of Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher.  The formation of the UDF had provided for an alternative source of political power at the grassroots and strengthened the capacity of the resistance to transform their conception of the long term struggles to create an alternative to the social system.
Forward planers for the investors in the Johannesburg Stock Exchange were sufficiently alarmed when the rebellions of the youth rendered South Africa ungovernable and apartheid unworkable. After the killing of Steve Biko, the planners sought out the brightest from among these rebellious youth to send them to be trained as future leaders in North American and European Universities. Those educated in the schools of the West became the experts after return to South Africa to be at the forefront of the negotiations for the form of society to be built after apartheid. Free Mandela Committees were an integral of the global antiapartheid struggles. In response to these local, regional and international alliances to end apartheid the South African Defence forces (SADF) spread death and destruction in the townships and across the region of Southern Africa. The terrorism of apartheid along with the killing of more than 2 million in the neighboring states did not break the will of the people. If anything, international solidarity intensified with the support of the Cubans assisting the Angolans to fight the apartheid army at Cuito Cuanavale.
The importance of Cuito Cuanavale
One of the many tasks of western propaganda organs has been to downplay the sacrifices of the peoples of the region of Southern Africa for the independence of Namibia 1990, the release of Nelson Mandela, and the negotiations to end apartheid. The epic battles at Cuito Cuanavale between October 1987 and June 1988 changed the history of Africa. The SADF had invaded Angola with the plan to impose Jonas Savimbi in Luanda and to defeat the freedom fighters from Namibia of the South West Africa People’s Organization (SWAPO). The apartheid army became bogged down at the crossroads of two rivers in Southern Angola. In order to intimidate the peoples of Africa the SADF had manufactured tactical nuclear weapons with the assistance of the Israeli state. When the South African army became bogged down the President of South Africa, P.W.Botha flew to the frontlines of the battles in Angola to broker a debate between the generals on whether South Africa should deploy and use its nuclear capabilities.
The international isolation of the white racist regime meant that there was no sympathy for this option, even from the conservative Reagan Administration. The racist army had to fight against a confident Angolan military with Cuban reinforcements. After nine months fighting the SADF was roundly defeated with the remnants of the SADF retreating on foot to Northern Namibia. In order to rescue the SADF so that the military would not be routed as the French army was routed at Dien Bien Phu in 1954, in stepped the US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Chester Crocker to broker the decent withdrawal of the SADF from Namibia.  This battle was episodic and Fidel Castro rightly asserted that the History of Africa will be written as that of before Cuito Cuanavale and after Cuito Cuanavale.
Nelson Mandela and the South African struggles after Cuito Cuanavale
Nelson Mandela’s walk of Freedom out of incarceration in 1990 had represented a major step in the peoples of the world   for a new system after apartheid. However, those who owned the banks, the mines, the insurance companies and the land were planning for a post-apartheid society where the capital remained in the hands of the white minority along with new black allies. International capital had grasped the full implications of black partners in societies such as Kenya, Zimbabwe, Cameroons, Algeria and Nigeria. Hence even while the negotiations were on going for the New Society in The Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA,) the more far sighted elements such as the Oppenheimer family of Anglo-American Corporation worked to support those within the movement that believed that the end of Apartheid was for the development of a class of black entrepreneurs under Black Economic Empowerment (BEE). The nature of the inequalities in South Africa today demonstrates the success of the plan to create black allies. Cyril Ramaphosa is the poster child of a militant trade union leader of the anti-apartheid era who became a mining magnate after apartheid, exploiting the very workers he had vowed to defend.  The image of Cyril Ramaphosa who had escorted Nelson Mandela out of Prison in 1990 operating and multibillionaires was one sign of the class formation in South Africa.  In 2012, the political leaders of the ANC oversaw a government that shot 34 Marikana workers who were striking for better conditions at the Platinum Mines in South Africa. It was a proper clarification of the politics of transformation when Ramaphosa, a multibillionaire, emerged as the spokesperson for the owners of the Platinum Mines in rejecting the demands of the workers for better working conditions and better wages. The ANC and its tripartite alliance of the Communist Party, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) had fashioned a theoretical basis for the enrichment of a few by arguing that before South Africa could enter the phase of transformation beyond capitalism there had to be the development of the productive forces. Nelson Mandela was caught in 1994 in the midst of the alliance and within five years sought to extricate himself by stepping down as President of South Africa in 1999 after one term.
Ubuntu in practice, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC)
One of the sterling contributions of the South African struggle was to be able to clarify the differences between restorative justice and retributive justice, based on Ubuntu. In fact, Mandela not only embraced Ubuntu, under his political leadership, there was an attempt to bring the ideas of Ubuntu from its philosophical level to the level of practical politics in ways that helped avert bloodbath to form a better society, however imperfect. And this was in part done through the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission.
In the three years after the release of Mandela, the international media was predicting a bloodbath in South Africa if Blacks were to emerge victorious from the first democratic elections in 1994. Those with strategic control over the means of violence sought to make this bloodbath a reality right up to the moment when Mandela was inaugurated in May 1994 as the first Black President of a Democratic South Africa. One year after Mandela became President, the Parliament of South Africa established the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act, No. 34 of 1995. This became the legal framework for the establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and Mandela threw his international weight behind the process of Reconciliation. While the TRC was holding sessions under the Chairperson Desmond Tutu, Mandela made a number of public gestures to demonstrate the fact that he supported full reconciliation between the oppressed blacks and the oppressors. Of the two most public of these gestures were the visit to have tea with Mrs Betsie Verwoerd at Oriana in 1995 and donning the jersey of the segregated South African rugby team in the World Cup in South Africa.
Mrs Verwoerd, the widow of the architect of the most brutal apartheid structures had retreated to the town of Orania in the Cape seeking to establish an all-white town because the whites could not live under a black political leadership. The extreme Afrikaners around Mrs Verwoerd had chosen the small community to set up a laager and the whites in the town did not want any black around, not even black servants. These whites did not recognize Mandela as the legitimate President of a Free South Africa. Mandela took the bold step of travelling to this all white town of Orania to demonstrate to Mrs Verwoerd that the new South Africa was based on forgiveness and willingness to share, core principles of Ubuntu. This gesture was relayed all over the world by the local and international media as Mandela sat down to have tea with the people who were responsible for arresting and incarcerating him. Two months earlier Mandela had orchestrated another public act by going to the Rugby World Cup Match and putting on the jersey of the South African team. Sporting activities had been one of the strongest bases for segregation in the society and in all areas of sporting activity Mandela inspired South Africa to rise above the structural violence that had become part and parcel of South Africa.
At the legal level, South Africa’s post-apartheid constitution is one of the most progressive in the world, and it draws on Ubuntu to enshrine equal constitutional rights for all – black, white, colored, women, youths, elderly people and same-gender-loving persons.
This effort at Reconciliation at the legal level and at the public level went side by side as the TRC started hearings in Cape Town in 1996. The mandate of the commission had been to bear witness to, record and in some cases grant amnesty to the perpetrators of crimes relating to human rights violations, as well as reparation and rehabilitation. Witnesses who were identified as victims of gross human rights violations were invited to give statements about their experiences, and some were selected for public hearings. Perpetrators of violence could also give testimony and request amnesty from both civil and criminal prosecution. Witnesses who were identified as victims of gross human rights violations were invited to give statements about their experiences, and some were selected for public hearings. Perpetrators of violence could also give testimony and request amnesty from both civil and criminal prosecution.
A new politics was being developed in the context of seeking restorative justice beyond the Nuremberg Model of winners’ court. The Healing power of the process was manifest in the rituals that emanated from victims and oppressors, creating a space that could be the basis of holding the society together. This ritual of the TRC with the spiritual underpinnings of forgiveness and healing was a powerful antidote to the three hundred years of white racist oppression. Malidoma Some had written a book on the Healing Wisdom of Africa: Finding Life Purpose Through Nature, Ritual, and Community.  It was in the TRC where one saw some of the ideas being worked out. During the Hearings of the TRC there were public hearings as the narratives of perpetrators and victims moved in  a constant motion across time (from present to past and present to future) and space (spiritual, social, physical, emotional) in a movement that may be called recursive.
Here was a profound moment in the history of South Africa as the African people offered a crucible for healing the society. Nelson Mandela and Desmond Tutu will go down in history as individuals who opened up the possibilities for another form of society. This healing process offered by the TRC, despite its imperfections, placed Ubuntu on the philosophical map breaking the ideation baggage of individualism, greed, competition and revenge.
If the Black people and the oppressed majority were willing to turn a corner, international capital was not. Plans for the Reconstruction and transformation of South Africa were shelved in the face of the timidity of the political leadership in calling for the cancellation of the apartheid incurred debt. The repercussions of managing the neo-liberal programe of international capital cut off the top leadership of the ANC from the rank and file. Questions of the social reconstruction after apartheid had to be shelved until new emancipatory formations arise in South Africa. International capita took the lessons of South Africa to heart and sought to promote a neo-liberal agenda where a small minority collaborated with international capital in the new template for the exploitation of the majority. This form of class rule came to be understood as the globalization of apartheid without its racial baggage.
Mandela and Ubuntu overseas
Mandela was opposed to the Western designation of states as sponsoring terrorism and openly supported Fidel Castro of Cuba, Yasser Arafat of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) the Saharwi Arab Democratic Republic and the political leadership in Libya. As one who had been placed on the US list of international terrorist, Mandela in 1992 had made a clear statement about the standoff between Libya and the West over the downing of the 1998 Pan American Airways flight 103. This plane had exploded over Lockerbie Scotland and the West accused two Libyans of planting the bomb. This is despite the fact that at the precise moment of the bomb, western media had blamed Iran for planting the bomb.
In 1998 Mandela travelled to Libya three times within one week to mediate between the British government and the Libyan authorities. After travelling back and forth between the western leaders and Muammar Gaddafi the head of the Libyan state, Mandela struck a deal where Gaddafi handed over the two suspects in return for the lifting of international sanctions against Libya. Gaddafi accepted the offer of Nelson Mandela and offered to pay US $2.7 billion , approximately $10 million for each of the victim’s families. Gaddafi went further to open up his economy to western oil companies and in 2004 dumped his plans for the acquisition of Chemical and Biological weapons. Despite this opening and the intense investments of the West, International capital was not satisfied and in 2011 orchestrated the invasion, bombing and destruction of Libya under the banner of Responsibility to Protect. Gaddafi was executed and humiliated as the West sought to roll back all ideas of African Unification and Liberation.
Mandela as a Peace maker
After Nelson Mandela was rid of the responsibility of managing the structures of the apartheid economy, he became even more outspoken against inequalities. He was assertive on the question of the need for health for all and the provision of retroviral medicine for those affected by HIV AIDS even while other leaders of the ANC were equivocal over the response of the government of South Africa to this pandemic. Outside of South Africa Mandela shamed the leaders of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) who had stood by while the fastest genocide unfolded in Rwanda in 1994. After the passing of Julius Nyerere in 1999, Nelson Mandela engaged the peace process in Burundi and threw his considerable international stature behind a tough process of negotiations to end the decades of warfare in Burundi.
Mandela was opposed to the deployment of US military personnel in Africa and he spoke out firmly against the Africa Crisis Response Initiative (ACRI), the forerunner to the current Africa Command. When George W. Bush started his buildup for the war against the peoples of Iraq Mandela offered himself up as a peace maker to be a human shield against US bombs. In an interview with Newsweek Magazine in 2002 prior to the invasion, Mandela called the USA a threat to the peace of the world.
“If you look at those matters, you will come to the conclusion that the attitude of the United States of America is a threat to world peace. Because what [America] is saying is that if you are afraid of a veto in the Security Council, you can go outside and take action and violate the sovereignty of other countries. That is the message they are sending to the world. That must be condemned in the strongest terms.” As a peace activist, Mandela took issues personal with George Bush over the decision to invade Iraq. Addressing the International Women’s Forum in Johannesburg in 2003, a visibly furious Mandela stated unequivocally: “What I am condemning is that one power, with a president [George Bush] who has no foresight, who cannot think properly, is now wanting to plunge the world into a holocaust. … If there is a country that has committed unspeakable atrocities in the world, it is the United States of America. They don’t care.”
The legacies of Nelson Mandela
The differing legacies of the political leadership of Nelson Mandela were on full display at the massive memorial event held in Soweto on December 10, 2013. There the mass of people expressed themselves in the admiration and warmth of Nelson Mandela and at the same time expressing their opposition to the corruption of the top leadership of the ANC. The people booed the current leader of the ANC,  Jacob Zuma, every time his face appeared on the giant TV screens in the stadium. Mandela had always remarked that he was a disciplined member of the ANC and his membership of the organization pointed to the differences between the promises of the anti-apartheid struggles and the realities of the enrichment of a new class of African exploiters. It was appropriate that this celebration of the life of Mandela marked a new stage for the corrupt leadership of the ANC.
In the period of the anti-apartheid struggles, funeral ceremonies were occasions for mass mobilization and education The entire proceedings played out before over 90 heads of states and governments reflected the new relationship between the ANC and the mass of the poor.  Despite the fact that this occasion represented a huge logistical challenge, one could negatively compare the planning of the leadership on this occasion with the World Cup in 2010. Hence, for one of the most important public events in the history of South Arica, for most of the time the stadium was half empty.  The ANC did not provide transportation to the stadium as promised. The poor travelled from near and far by train only to find that there were no buses to take them up to the stadium. Even those who braved the downpour  of rain to  make it to the stadium was not allowed to celebrate the way South Africans are used to celebrate at such events. Instead they were expected to sit and listen like little children. At such events people would sing and dance. In fact, before each speaker someone would raise a song and people would follow and sing until the speaker was ready to speak. Even Zuma would start a song and dance before he spoke.  Jacob Zuma, the leadership and Cyril Ramaphosa wanted the people to forget the kind of mass mobilization that was engineered to end apartheid. They are afraid that this mass mobilization will sweep the billionaires from power.
The political leadership of Nelson Mandela in the anti-apartheid struggle had both focused attention on him as an individual and released the energies of various groups whose task was to clarify the details of the real meaning of transformation beyond apartheid.  In this and in many other ways, Nelson Mandela symbolized the dialectic of resistance and transformation. His own life has mirrored the way in which a social movement shaped individuals. Hence, the youth who are hearing the tributes to Mandela are faced with the contradiction between focusing on great leaders and the kind of media coverage that is geared towards the depoliticizaion of the youth.  Richard Falk summed up very lucidly the place of Mandela for humans everywhere when he wrote,
“It was above all Mandela’s spiritual presence that created such a strong impression of moral radiance on the part of all of us fortunate enough to be in the room. I was reinforced in my guiding belief that political greatness presupposes a spiritual orientation toward the meaning of life, not necessarily expressed by way of a formal religious commitment, but always implies living with an unconditional dedication to values and faith that transcend the practical, the immediate, and the material.”
In his earthly life, Mandela could not escape this tension between the spiritual and the material.  The spiritual energies of the peoples had been unleashed to fashion a non-racial democracy. Liberal conception of democracy could not understand this attempt to transcend the ideas of the Western Enlightenment, which itself built on human hierarchies that carved a supreme space for the enlightened white man. Nelson Mandela had been reared in these ideas at Fort Hare and as a lawyer but the struggles elevated him to be special human beings among revolutionaries. The world salutes Nelson Mandela and we join with those who are sending tributes to his family.
We will also add that the people should not mourn but organize for the next round of struggle.
Horace G .Campbell, a veteran Pan Africanist, is a Visiting Professor in the School of International Relations, Tsinghua University, Beijing, China.  He is the author of Global NATO and the Catastrophic Failure in Libya, Monthly Review Press, 2013. 

Way to go  Horace!!!!

A FITTING TRIBUTE TO THE GREAT MAN - NELSON ROLIHLAHLA MANDELA

 From the Clearing House:  The News you will never find on CNN.  Posted here on 16 December, 2013.
Ubuntu and the Emancipation of Humans Everywhere

By Horace Campbell

December 12, 2013 "Information Clearing House -"Counterpunch" 

Beijing, China.  

 On Thursday December 5, 2013 the people of South Africa lost one of the foremost freedom fighters and revolutionary who made his mark on humans everywhere. Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela was born in South Africa in 1918 and matured as Africans in South Africa rose to the challenges posed by the most brutal social and economic system of that moment, the system called apartheid.  Mandela has now joined the ancestors and he has left his mark beside those great humans (such as Mahatmas Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr, Rosa Parks, Umm Kulthum, Che Guevara and Rosa Luxemburg) whose greatness emerged from the movements that created them. The forms of struggle that emerged from South Africa inspired the refinement of the philosophy of Ubuntu. This is a philosophy that says one’s humanity is being enriched by another’s and that as humans we are linked to a wider universe and spiritual world. Mandela had said clearly of Ubuntu, “The spirit of Ubuntu – that profound Africa sense that we are human beings only through the humanity of other human beings – is not a parochial phenomenon, but has added globally to our common search for a better world.”
The philosophy of Ubuntu challenged the ideals of individualism, greed, unhealthy competition, obscene self-enrichment and those destructive forms of human association that have brought the planet to the brink of extinction. When the movement elevated Nelson Mandela to the position as President of a politically free South Africa in 1994, after 27 years of incarceration, the political leadership of South Africa sought to give practical meaning to the philosophy of Ubuntu by establishing a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). In all parts of the world, the international media remember Mandela and his contributions to peace and reconciliation but the same corporate media seeks to confuse the youth by marketing  Mandela as an unusual individual who performed the ‘miracle’ of ending apartheid. In the process of the wall to wall media coverage of the celebration of the life of Nelson Mandela, it is important that the voice of Africa is clear on the meaning of Mandela. Mandela was against racism and the dehumanizing social system that created hierarchies.
As peace activists it is vital that we remember Mandela as a defender of peace and social justice and the fact that he was an extraordinary human being. What is important to remember is a product of a social movement; the extraordinary circumstances of the oppression of apartheid created this Mandela. Mandela joined a social movement, the anti-apartheid movement and for a moment in history, he became the symbol of the struggle against war and apartheid. His freedom came from the sacrifices of millions, especially the youth of Soweto and the workers from the Mass Democratic Movement who laid down a marker for the new tactics of revolution. While he was the President of South Africa, Mandela worked for peace in Burundi and Central Africa and worked hard to end the western manipulation of who can be branded as a terrorist.
Those who branded Mandela as a terrorist are seeking to program the minds of the youth to see Mandela as some sort of visionary leader “dropped from heaven” without links to real struggles for peace. Mandela was very clear that his life was linked to the collective struggles of humans everywhere, and when he was released in February 1990 he said, “Amandla, Amandla … I greet you all in the name of peace, democracy and freedom for all. I stand here before you not as a prophet but as a humble servant of you, the people.”
This media coverage of Nelson Mandela challenges contemporary freedom fighters to contemplate new tactics, new tools of struggles and new networks for peace in order to complete the tasks of ending global apartheid. The African National Congress in government had been trapped by its inheritance of the social capital of the apartheid state. New forms of organization and new ideas will be needed as humans gird themselves to fight against the nefarious forms of racism, exclusion and oppression that have been refined by global capital as unbridled capitalism seeks to turn our youths into mindless consumers. It is up to the youth to gird themselves for the new phase of internationalism and peace activism so that we can create the conditions for the inspiration presented by the life of Nelson Mandela to be grasped in all corners of the globe. Mandela lived a full life and we want to add to the tributes as we celebrate his life of struggle.
The society that created Nelson Mandela
As soon as it became clear that the most obscene forms of white supremacy could not survive after the massive resistance of peoples in all parts of the globe, international news programmers began to present Nelson Mandela who, as a visionary leader, single handedly ended apartheid. Books, films, documentaries, blogs and other mainstream media seek to present the changes in South Africa without reference to the reality that Nelson Mandela always represented a liberation movement. Inevitably, as the movement mobilized around the release of Nelson Mandela when he had been incarcerated for 27 years, Mandela became a symbol of the anti-apartheid struggle. As the struggle matured in the final phase after his release from jail on February 11, 1990 the myth making was developed as part of an election campaign. It is this mythmaking that ensured the positive and the negative in the representation of Nelson Mandela to a generation that was not yet born when the liberation struggles were at the peak.
When Mandela was born in the village of Qunu, in the province that was called Cape Province, the Union of South Africa had been formed eight years earlier. The Union government had celebrated the crushing of the Bambata rebellions and in the face of the failure of open military rebellions by regional military forces, the African National Congress had been formed in 1912. Mandela grew up in South Africa in the turbulent period of the 1930’s capitalist depression. It was in the midst of this depression when the capitalists of South Africa refined the repression of black mine workers and inculcated in white workers the idea that they (whites) were not workers but from a superior race. With the villages of South Africa and the wider region of Southern Africa providing cheap labour for the mines, mining capital reaped super profits at a moment when the instability in the international monetary system required a steady supply of gold from South Africa.
The royal families of the pre –Union society could not escape the effects of the deformities of segregation and dehumanization. Missionaries were deployed to teach sons of chiefs and it was from one of the missionaries that Mandela received the name Nelson because the missionaries had difficulties saying Rolihlahla. After this missionary education Mandela was sent to Fort Hare University and it was in this University where the other famous anti-apartheid and anti-colonial stalwarts were groomed. Z. K. Matthews, Govan Mbeki, Oliver Tambo, Joshua Nkomo, Walter Sisulu, Robert Sobukwe, Desmond Tutu and Robert Mugabe were some of the notable students in the forties at this University. As an activist he was expelled from Fort Hare and he went on to study Law at the University of Witwatersrand.
Nelson Mandela joined the African National Congress (ANC) in 1942 and in 1944, along with Walter Sisulu, Robert Sobukwe, and Oliver Tambo, they formed the Youth wing of the ANC. This youth wing joined the hundreds of anti-colonial movements all over the world and when the repressive legal structures of apartheid were formalised to support the social divisions, the peoples responded with a Freedom Charter. The Sharpeville massacres of March 21, 1960 foreclosed all possibilities of a peaceful non –violent opposition to apartheid and in 1962 Mandela was dispatched to the independent states of Africa to gain support for the armed wing of the ANC, Umkhonto we Sizwe (abbreviated as MK, translated as “Spear of the Nation). Mandela was one of the co-founders of MK and he received training in many African countries before he returned to South Africa. Mandela participated in the debates about unity and struggle that were at that time raging in the Pan African Freedom Movement for East and Central Africa (PAFMECA).
Self Organization of the Youth of Soweto
South West Johannesburg (Soweto) was one of those dormitory towns that were a reservoir of cheap labour for the rich and middle class whites in the suburbs of Johannesburg. Mandela was arrested in 1962 for planning “sabotage” of the government and was branded a terrorist by the South African state.  The US military and intelligence agencies worked hand in glove with the apartheid military to crush opposition from the African majority.  From 1973 the workers of Durban had given notice that there would be new organizational forms to oppose apartheid and the youth of Soweto followed with the massive uprisings of 1976. These rebellions are central to the kind of politics that developed in the period when Mandela was incarcerated after the Rivonia trials in 1964.
The sacrifices of the youth and their determination had created new alliances and these alliances matured in the Mass Democratic Movement and the United Democratic Front (UDF). While Nelson Mandela as a lawyer had been groomed to focus on the legal questions of the apartheid laws, the social questions of health, education, housing, police brutality placed the fight against apartheid on a new terrain as the ANC worked to remain alive in the heat of the conservative push of Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher.  The formation of the UDF had provided for an alternative source of political power at the grassroots and strengthened the capacity of the resistance to transform their conception of the long term struggles to create an alternative to the social system.
Forward planers for the investors in the Johannesburg Stock Exchange were sufficiently alarmed when the rebellions of the youth rendered South Africa ungovernable and apartheid unworkable. After the killing of Steve Biko, the planners sought out the brightest from among these rebellious youth to send them to be trained as future leaders in North American and European Universities. Those educated in the schools of the West became the experts after return to South Africa to be at the forefront of the negotiations for the form of society to be built after apartheid. Free Mandela Committees were an integral of the global antiapartheid struggles. In response to these local, regional and international alliances to end apartheid the South African Defence forces (SADF) spread death and destruction in the townships and across the region of Southern Africa. The terrorism of apartheid along with the killing of more than 2 million in the neighboring states did not break the will of the people. If anything, international solidarity intensified with the support of the Cubans assisting the Angolans to fight the apartheid army at Cuito Cuanavale.
The importance of Cuito Cuanavale
One of the many tasks of western propaganda organs has been to downplay the sacrifices of the peoples of the region of Southern Africa for the independence of Namibia 1990, the release of Nelson Mandela, and the negotiations to end apartheid. The epic battles at Cuito Cuanavale between October 1987 and June 1988 changed the history of Africa. The SADF had invaded Angola with the plan to impose Jonas Savimbi in Luanda and to defeat the freedom fighters from Namibia of the South West Africa People’s Organization (SWAPO). The apartheid army became bogged down at the crossroads of two rivers in Southern Angola. In order to intimidate the peoples of Africa the SADF had manufactured tactical nuclear weapons with the assistance of the Israeli state. When the South African army became bogged down the President of South Africa, P.W.Botha flew to the frontlines of the battles in Angola to broker a debate between the generals on whether South Africa should deploy and use its nuclear capabilities.
The international isolation of the white racist regime meant that there was no sympathy for this option, even from the conservative Reagan Administration. The racist army had to fight against a confident Angolan military with Cuban reinforcements. After nine months fighting the SADF was roundly defeated with the remnants of the SADF retreating on foot to Northern Namibia. In order to rescue the SADF so that the military would not be routed as the French army was routed at Dien Bien Phu in 1954, in stepped the US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Chester Crocker to broker the decent withdrawal of the SADF from Namibia.  This battle was episodic and Fidel Castro rightly asserted that the History of Africa will be written as that of before Cuito Cuanavale and after Cuito Cuanavale.
Nelson Mandela and the South African struggles after Cuito Cuanavale
Nelson Mandela’s walk of Freedom out of incarceration in 1990 had represented a major step in the peoples of the world   for a new system after apartheid. However, those who owned the banks, the mines, the insurance companies and the land were planning for a post-apartheid society where the capital remained in the hands of the white minority along with new black allies. International capital had grasped the full implications of black partners in societies such as Kenya, Zimbabwe, Cameroons, Algeria and Nigeria. Hence even while the negotiations were on going for the New Society in The Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA,) the more far sighted elements such as the Oppenheimer family of Anglo-American Corporation worked to support those within the movement that believed that the end of Apartheid was for the development of a class of black entrepreneurs under Black Economic Empowerment (BEE). The nature of the inequalities in South Africa today demonstrates the success of the plan to create black allies. Cyril Ramaphosa is the poster child of a militant trade union leader of the anti-apartheid era who became a mining magnate after apartheid, exploiting the very workers he had vowed to defend.  The image of Cyril Ramaphosa who had escorted Nelson Mandela out of Prison in 1990 operating and multibillionaires was one sign of the class formation in South Africa.  In 2012, the political leaders of the ANC oversaw a government that shot 34 Marikana workers who were striking for better conditions at the Platinum Mines in South Africa. It was a proper clarification of the politics of transformation when Ramaphosa, a multibillionaire, emerged as the spokesperson for the owners of the Platinum Mines in rejecting the demands of the workers for better working conditions and better wages. The ANC and its tripartite alliance of the Communist Party, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) had fashioned a theoretical basis for the enrichment of a few by arguing that before South Africa could enter the phase of transformation beyond capitalism there had to be the development of the productive forces. Nelson Mandela was caught in 1994 in the midst of the alliance and within five years sought to extricate himself by stepping down as President of South Africa in 1999 after one term.
Ubuntu in practice, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC)
One of the sterling contributions of the South African struggle was to be able to clarify the differences between restorative justice and retributive justice, based on Ubuntu. In fact, Mandela not only embraced Ubuntu, under his political leadership, there was an attempt to bring the ideas of Ubuntu from its philosophical level to the level of practical politics in ways that helped avert bloodbath to form a better society, however imperfect. And this was in part done through the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission.
In the three years after the release of Mandela, the international media was predicting a bloodbath in South Africa if Blacks were to emerge victorious from the first democratic elections in 1994. Those with strategic control over the means of violence sought to make this bloodbath a reality right up to the moment when Mandela was inaugurated in May 1994 as the first Black President of a Democratic South Africa. One year after Mandela became President, the Parliament of South Africa established the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act, No. 34 of 1995. This became the legal framework for the establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and Mandela threw his international weight behind the process of Reconciliation. While the TRC was holding sessions under the Chairperson Desmond Tutu, Mandela made a number of public gestures to demonstrate the fact that he supported full reconciliation between the oppressed blacks and the oppressors. Of the two most public of these gestures were the visit to have tea with Mrs Betsie Verwoerd at Oriana in 1995 and donning the jersey of the segregated South African rugby team in the World Cup in South Africa.
Mrs Verwoerd, the widow of the architect of the most brutal apartheid structures had retreated to the town of Orania in the Cape seeking to establish an all-white town because the whites could not live under a black political leadership. The extreme Afrikaners around Mrs Verwoerd had chosen the small community to set up a laager and the whites in the town did not want any black around, not even black servants. These whites did not recognize Mandela as the legitimate President of a Free South Africa. Mandela took the bold step of travelling to this all white town of Orania to demonstrate to Mrs Verwoerd that the new South Africa was based on forgiveness and willingness to share, core principles of Ubuntu. This gesture was relayed all over the world by the local and international media as Mandela sat down to have tea with the people who were responsible for arresting and incarcerating him. Two months earlier Mandela had orchestrated another public act by going to the Rugby World Cup Match and putting on the jersey of the South African team. Sporting activities had been one of the strongest bases for segregation in the society and in all areas of sporting activity Mandela inspired South Africa to rise above the structural violence that had become part and parcel of South Africa.
At the legal level, South Africa’s post-apartheid constitution is one of the most progressive in the world, and it draws on Ubuntu to enshrine equal constitutional rights for all – black, white, colored, women, youths, elderly people and same-gender-loving persons.
This effort at Reconciliation at the legal level and at the public level went side by side as the TRC started hearings in Cape Town in 1996. The mandate of the commission had been to bear witness to, record and in some cases grant amnesty to the perpetrators of crimes relating to human rights violations, as well as reparation and rehabilitation. Witnesses who were identified as victims of gross human rights violations were invited to give statements about their experiences, and some were selected for public hearings. Perpetrators of violence could also give testimony and request amnesty from both civil and criminal prosecution. Witnesses who were identified as victims of gross human rights violations were invited to give statements about their experiences, and some were selected for public hearings. Perpetrators of violence could also give testimony and request amnesty from both civil and criminal prosecution.
A new politics was being developed in the context of seeking restorative justice beyond the Nuremberg Model of winners’ court. The Healing power of the process was manifest in the rituals that emanated from victims and oppressors, creating a space that could be the basis of holding the society together. This ritual of the TRC with the spiritual underpinnings of forgiveness and healing was a powerful antidote to the three hundred years of white racist oppression. Malidoma Some had written a book on the Healing Wisdom of Africa: Finding Life Purpose Through Nature, Ritual, and Community.  It was in the TRC where one saw some of the ideas being worked out. During the Hearings of the TRC there were public hearings as the narratives of perpetrators and victims moved in  a constant motion across time (from present to past and present to future) and space (spiritual, social, physical, emotional) in a movement that may be called recursive.
Here was a profound moment in the history of South Africa as the African people offered a crucible for healing the society. Nelson Mandela and Desmond Tutu will go down in history as individuals who opened up the possibilities for another form of society. This healing process offered by the TRC, despite its imperfections, placed Ubuntu on the philosophical map breaking the ideation baggage of individualism, greed, competition and revenge.
If the Black people and the oppressed majority were willing to turn a corner, international capital was not. Plans for the Reconstruction and transformation of South Africa were shelved in the face of the timidity of the political leadership in calling for the cancellation of the apartheid incurred debt. The repercussions of managing the neo-liberal programe of international capital cut off the top leadership of the ANC from the rank and file. Questions of the social reconstruction after apartheid had to be shelved until new emancipatory formations arise in South Africa. International capita took the lessons of South Africa to heart and sought to promote a neo-liberal agenda where a small minority collaborated with international capital in the new template for the exploitation of the majority. This form of class rule came to be understood as the globalization of apartheid without its racial baggage.
Mandela and Ubuntu overseas
Mandela was opposed to the Western designation of states as sponsoring terrorism and openly supported Fidel Castro of Cuba, Yasser Arafat of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) the Saharwi Arab Democratic Republic and the political leadership in Libya. As one who had been placed on the US list of international terrorist, Mandela in 1992 had made a clear statement about the standoff between Libya and the West over the downing of the 1998 Pan American Airways flight 103. This plane had exploded over Lockerbie Scotland and the West accused two Libyans of planting the bomb. This is despite the fact that at the precise moment of the bomb, western media had blamed Iran for planting the bomb.
In 1998 Mandela travelled to Libya three times within one week to mediate between the British government and the Libyan authorities. After travelling back and forth between the western leaders and Muammar Gaddafi the head of the Libyan state, Mandela struck a deal where Gaddafi handed over the two suspects in return for the lifting of international sanctions against Libya. Gaddafi accepted the offer of Nelson Mandela and offered to pay US $2.7 billion , approximately $10 million for each of the victim’s families. Gaddafi went further to open up his economy to western oil companies and in 2004 dumped his plans for the acquisition of Chemical and Biological weapons. Despite this opening and the intense investments of the West, International capital was not satisfied and in 2011 orchestrated the invasion, bombing and destruction of Libya under the banner of Responsibility to Protect. Gaddafi was executed and humiliated as the West sought to roll back all ideas of African Unification and Liberation.
Mandela as a Peace maker
After Nelson Mandela was rid of the responsibility of managing the structures of the apartheid economy, he became even more outspoken against inequalities. He was assertive on the question of the need for health for all and the provision of retroviral medicine for those affected by HIV AIDS even while other leaders of the ANC were equivocal over the response of the government of South Africa to this pandemic. Outside of South Africa Mandela shamed the leaders of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) who had stood by while the fastest genocide unfolded in Rwanda in 1994. After the passing of Julius Nyerere in 1999, Nelson Mandela engaged the peace process in Burundi and threw his considerable international stature behind a tough process of negotiations to end the decades of warfare in Burundi.
Mandela was opposed to the deployment of US military personnel in Africa and he spoke out firmly against the Africa Crisis Response Initiative (ACRI), the forerunner to the current Africa Command. When George W. Bush started his buildup for the war against the peoples of Iraq Mandela offered himself up as a peace maker to be a human shield against US bombs. In an interview with Newsweek Magazine in 2002 prior to the invasion, Mandela called the USA a threat to the peace of the world.
“If you look at those matters, you will come to the conclusion that the attitude of the United States of America is a threat to world peace. Because what [America] is saying is that if you are afraid of a veto in the Security Council, you can go outside and take action and violate the sovereignty of other countries. That is the message they are sending to the world. That must be condemned in the strongest terms.” As a peace activist, Mandela took issues personal with George Bush over the decision to invade Iraq. Addressing the International Women’s Forum in Johannesburg in 2003, a visibly furious Mandela stated unequivocally: “What I am condemning is that one power, with a president [George Bush] who has no foresight, who cannot think properly, is now wanting to plunge the world into a holocaust. … If there is a country that has committed unspeakable atrocities in the world, it is the United States of America. They don’t care.”
The legacies of Nelson Mandela
The differing legacies of the political leadership of Nelson Mandela were on full display at the massive memorial event held in Soweto on December 10, 2013. There the mass of people expressed themselves in the admiration and warmth of Nelson Mandela and at the same time expressing their opposition to the corruption of the top leadership of the ANC. The people booed the current leader of the ANC,  Jacob Zuma, every time his face appeared on the giant TV screens in the stadium. Mandela had always remarked that he was a disciplined member of the ANC and his membership of the organization pointed to the differences between the promises of the anti-apartheid struggles and the realities of the enrichment of a new class of African exploiters. It was appropriate that this celebration of the life of Mandela marked a new stage for the corrupt leadership of the ANC.
In the period of the anti-apartheid struggles, funeral ceremonies were occasions for mass mobilization and education The entire proceedings played out before over 90 heads of states and governments reflected the new relationship between the ANC and the mass of the poor.  Despite the fact that this occasion represented a huge logistical challenge, one could negatively compare the planning of the leadership on this occasion with the World Cup in 2010. Hence, for one of the most important public events in the history of South Arica, for most of the time the stadium was half empty.  The ANC did not provide transportation to the stadium as promised. The poor travelled from near and far by train only to find that there were no buses to take them up to the stadium. Even those who braved the downpour  of rain to  make it to the stadium was not allowed to celebrate the way South Africans are used to celebrate at such events. Instead they were expected to sit and listen like little children. At such events people would sing and dance. In fact, before each speaker someone would raise a song and people would follow and sing until the speaker was ready to speak. Even Zuma would start a song and dance before he spoke.  Jacob Zuma, the leadership and Cyril Ramaphosa wanted the people to forget the kind of mass mobilization that was engineered to end apartheid. They are afraid that this mass mobilization will sweep the billionaires from power.
The political leadership of Nelson Mandela in the anti-apartheid struggle had both focused attention on him as an individual and released the energies of various groups whose task was to clarify the details of the real meaning of transformation beyond apartheid.  In this and in many other ways, Nelson Mandela symbolized the dialectic of resistance and transformation. His own life has mirrored the way in which a social movement shaped individuals. Hence, the youth who are hearing the tributes to Mandela are faced with the contradiction between focusing on great leaders and the kind of media coverage that is geared towards the depoliticizaion of the youth.  Richard Falk summed up very lucidly the place of Mandela for humans everywhere when he wrote,
“It was above all Mandela’s spiritual presence that created such a strong impression of moral radiance on the part of all of us fortunate enough to be in the room. I was reinforced in my guiding belief that political greatness presupposes a spiritual orientation toward the meaning of life, not necessarily expressed by way of a formal religious commitment, but always implies living with an unconditional dedication to values and faith that transcend the practical, the immediate, and the material.”
In his earthly life, Mandela could not escape this tension between the spiritual and the material.  The spiritual energies of the peoples had been unleashed to fashion a non-racial democracy. Liberal conception of democracy could not understand this attempt to transcend the ideas of the Western Enlightenment, which itself built on human hierarchies that carved a supreme space for the enlightened white man. Nelson Mandela had been reared in these ideas at Fort Hare and as a lawyer but the struggles elevated him to be special human beings among revolutionaries. The world salutes Nelson Mandela and we join with those who are sending tributes to his family.
We will also add that the people should not mourn but organize for the next round of struggle.
Horace G .Campbell, a veteran Pan Africanist, is a Visiting Professor in the School of International Relations, Tsinghua University, Beijing, China.  He is the author of Global NATO and the Catastrophic Failure in Libya, Monthly Review Press, 2013. 

Way to go  Horace!!!!

Wednesday, December 11, 2013

WILL APARTHEID EVER BE ABOLISHED ON MOTHER EARTH? - THE ISRAELI STORY !!!!

Posted here on 12.12/2013.

Blood donation collectors thrown out of Israeli parliament

JERUSALEM Wed Dec 11, 2013 6:00pm EST
 

(Reuters) -
 The speaker of Israel's parliament ordered a blood-collection crew to leave the legislature's premises on Wednesday after it turned down an offer of a blood donation from an Ethiopian-born lawmaker.
Knesset member Pnina Tamano-Shata, 32, wanted to donate blood to a routine visit by an ambulance service but was told by a member of the crew that set criteria disqualified her because she emigrated to Israel from Ethiopia at age three.
Israeli Health Ministry criteria bar people born in most African countries since 1977 from donating blood due to a fear that there is an increased risk they may carry the HIV virus.
Tamano-Shata said ministry guidelines determine that Ethiopian-born Jews who emigrated to Israel when they were over two years old are ineligible to be blood donors.
"Clearly, my blood samples are checked, there has never been any cause for concern ... nevertheless, there is an attitude of not bothering to scrutinize (blood donations of Ethiopian immigrants) even though they know that it humiliates an entire community," she told Channel 10 television.
Israeli President Shimon Peres expressed disgust at the incident, saying: "There must not be any differentiation between Israeli people's blood. All Israel's citizens are equal."
Health Minister Yael German described the incident as "a disgrace" and said she would order a public consultation to change the guidelines. A parliamentary committee is set to discuss the incident next week.
The World Health Organization said on its website that surveillance in Ethiopia as of September showed the adult rate of AIDs is estimated at 6.6 percent among a total population of over 90 million people.
In 1996, thousands from Israel's Ethiopian community besieged the office of then-Prime Minister Peres in a violent protest at what they called Israeli racism against blacks.
They demonstrated after discovering that the national blood bank had a policy of throwing out their donations for fear of AIDS. New guidelines were subsequently made public but these still prevent Ethiopian Jews from giving blood.
Israel's community of Ethiopian Jews numbers some 100,000. They moved to Israel after chief rabbis determined in 1973 that the community had biblical roots.
Since 1996, fewer than 10 Jews of Ethiopian origin have made it into Israel's parliament as members if various factions. Some from the community have attained officer rank in the military but complaints of discrimination in schooling and housing are common.
(Editing by Philip Barbara)

FROM NEW AFRICAN MAGAZINE ON THE GAMBIA PRESIDENT VIEWS ON WITHDRAWAL FROM THE "COMMONWEALTH"

Posted here on  12/12/2013.

On 4 December, 2013, a member of the TANZANET  GROUP  posted this interview:

GRTS broadcast the recent New African Magazine's Deputy Editor Kegin Jane's exclusive interview with President Jammeh held in Banjul.Excerpts of the interview.

Question: To start with your decision to withdraw Gambia's membership from the commonwealth is the story that everyone is talking about. Could you explain the reason behind the rather surprise decision? And why now, after 48 years of membership?
President Jammeh: First of all, I want to welcome you to the Gambia and we are proud when we see international magazines published by Africans and other media houses owned by Africans. I have known New African Magazine for a long time, I have been reading it since I was at school. I used to read Africa now, West Africa, and New African.

Question: yes we have been going for 46 years?
President Jammeh: You have come a long way. I know the other magazines have since disappeared. Now regarding the so-called breaking news. It is not supposed to be breaking news. The decision has been made primarily because in the Gambia, we want to be very independent of anything that has a vestige of colonialism, especially where the same old story goes, in which one person decides for all of us and that is it. We believe that we are better off being on our own than joining institutions that tell us what to do and not what we want to do. So for 48 years of independence, we have had enough of colonialism and Britain. They have not taken us anywhere but backwards and we want to be free to be able to be ourselves. We want to make sure that we remain true Gambians, independent of all institutions that have anything to do with colonialism.

Question: But why now after all these years and right after your speech at the UN General Assembly which received very negative media coverage?
President Jammeh: I am surprised that people believe that you have to have a problem with someone first before you decide to leave that person. I don't think so. If I have a problem with somebody, I resolve the problem. But what I am saying is that the commonwealth is still a colonial institution and we have decided that we are not going to subscribe to that anymore. It is not only commonwealth, I am saying we are not going to be part of any institution or organization that has that legacy of colonialism or that is a representation of colonial era because colonialism brought us nothing but poverty, backwardness, exploitation and slavery. Infact we cannot in today's age continue to be associated with a country that was responsible for slavery in the first place. And while the Jews have been compensated and other people are being compensated, nobody is doing that for Africans.
We have not even received an apology from Great Britain, which orchestrated slavery in the first place, and then brought us colonialism. Colonialism and slavery go together. However, under colonialsm, Gambians were never trained to be scientists or doctors, and I believe that there has not been any country in Africa where during the colonial era they trained indigenous people to become either doctors or scientists. Are we not human beings like anybody else?

Question: Why do you reckon there is such a backlash against you and by extension, the rule by African leaders by and large? Why do you feel the West is still trying to hold back the advancement of Africa?
President Jammeh: You are a journalist who has travelled the world. Now can you tell me an African country that is well developed today, that can be compared to Dubai or any middle eastern country, thanks to the West or their former colonial master? My view here is if you follow others, you can never lead. We Africans have been following others for a long time and still keep following. That is why we are always backward. It is high time we stop following others to be on our own. That is my message for Africa. Africa's relationship with the West has seen Africa losing and the West gaining and that will continue as long as we do not take a stand, but for me and the Gambia, we are no longer going to follow anybody else, but our religion, our culture and our beliefs. We need to question and act on why Africa is the richest continent in terms of mineral resources, but the poorest in terms of the bank balance. Everyone knows the status quo and that the current relationship has not benefited any African country but the Europeans. Now who are the Europeans that they should always teach the Africans what to do? From colonialism to now they think they are the gods of Africa, and that they should continue to tell us what we should do. The Gambia is saying no to that. And because you are not dancing to their tune, they will call you a dictator.

Question: Following your decision to leave the commonwealth, should other African member states be following suit?
President Jammeh: I think it is in our best interest to follow only what benefits us. If you follow something that is keeping you backward, I don't think you are being intelligent or doing a good service for your people. Colonialism or neo-colonialism in any form should be kicked out of Africa that is my belief but because it is not bringing us anything, but disgrace, humiliation, and insult.

Question: But your critics, Mr. President will come back to say why just the commonwealth, which probably does not come with great economic benefits, while you are part of other international organizations that the Gambia relies on in terms of economic advancement. You surely do not see this as the beginning of the Gambia or Africa standing on its own feet without Western help of any kind?
President Jammeh: Look, let me not be misconstrued. What I said is very clear. We are against any institution of neo-colonialist nature. The Gambia will not support any institution or be a member of any institution that is neo-colonialist. That doesn't mean I am anti any international organization. Not at all. The reason why we have left the commonwealth is because it is not only a neo-colonialist institution, it is also an institution that is not subject to elections. Indeed it is not subject to change any time soon and it is an institution where one person is the supreme life leader. What type of democracy is that? Do you understand?

Question: Don't you think the British will say you are only just getting at them?
President Jammeh: If the British think that they own the commonwealth then that is good reason for us to leave. Why would they think that they own the commonwealth?

Question: In terms of other institutions, there is the International Criminal Court (ICC), which is now led by a Gambian woman who served under your government, Mrs. Fatou Bensouda. What are your views on an institution like that which has drawn a lot of criticisms from many Africans including African governments and even the African Union?
President Jammeh: The ICC as far as I am concerned is not a colonialist institution. It came into being not long ago, may be less than ten years ago if my memory serves me right. However, as we do with many other international institutions, as we have done with the commonwealth, we, Africans are fond of jumping into these institutions very quickly. We become members at a stroke of a pen, ratify our allegiance first and then read the test later and only then do we realize what we have got ourselves into and usually it is too late. I have warned my colleagues that we must be very careful about jumping into one bandwagon after the other. We jump into every bus without knowing the destination. And when the driver stops in hell and asks the Africans to drop off. We find ourselves asking; why are we here?
We have accepted everything created by the West without even questioning anything. But coming back to the ICC and speaking as an African, not just a Gambian and a Muslim, don't forget that the African continent constitutes the largest block in the ICC and it is on the back of this African bloc that the ICC rose to its feet very quickly. I made it very clear from the outset that before we accept and make a resolution on the ICC, we have to understand what it was for because we have burnt our fingers on several occasions before. But everybody said the work of the ICC is very clear. Then came the indictment of President Omar al-Bashir of Sudan. Some African leaders were for and others were against the indictment of a sitting African president without even informing the AU. Who can indict a European president or Prime Minister without informing the European Union? That was an insult. And they said the indictment came as a result of the UN Security Council to which Africa is not a permanent member. Be aware that there are two ways of getting somebody to stand trial at the ICC, either by an individual country referring the accused or the case may be filed by the Security Council. Now when I hear my colleagues complain about the ICC, I feel ashamed because apart from the case of President Bashir, all the other cases before the ICC were referred by African governments themselves.
Do you understand? For example the cases in Kenya, the case in Ivory Coast of former President Laurent Gbagbo who was not arrested by the ICC but by his own people, their own government and handed him over to the ICC. As far as I know, there is not a single case apart from that of President Bashir, which an African government didn't refer voluntarily to the ICC.
Then we turn around and say the ICC is racist and is targeting only Africans. If it is only Africans, no one else referring cases to the ICC, we cannot blame that court for trying only Africans. If Africa does not want the ICC to treat African cases, then don't refer cases to the ICC.

Question: You don't therefore at all agree with the notion that the ICC targets Africans because Africans actively chose to refer cases to the ICC out of their own free will?
President Jammeh: I do not agree and I will never agree to it, that the ICC targets Africans. I have made it very clear that if we Africans have a problem among ourselves, infact it is very shameful that instead of being brave and putting it before the AU and letting our continental body sort it out, we want to use international institutions to solve our problems.

Question: So you must be very proud of Mrs. Fatou Bensouda for what she is doing at the ICC?
President Jammeh: She is an international civil servant. I am proud because she is an African woman. This was a post that initially was not meant for Africans, but today if Africans head an international organisation, I think we should work with the institution. I am not defending the ICC, but I am defending the truth.

Question: Turning to the Gambia, under your leadership, your country gets a lot of bad press. Rarely do we read about the developmental changes that have happened under your leadership. It is my first visit here and I have learnt from ordinary people I have been speaking to on the streets how a few years ago there was no university in the Gambia and there was no television. What have you done since you came to power in 1994?
President Jammeh: Yes a few years ago there was no university here. And that is part of the reasons why we have left the commonwealth. The British were here in the Gambia for 400 years and in that time they built only one high school. Yes, for 400 years, the British built only one high school. Then there were thirty years of socalled independence under President Dawda Jawara whom Yaya Jammeh deposed in a bloodless coup in 1994 with no university, no high school and yes the post independence government never built a single high school, a single hospital in the 30 years it was in power.
Do you understand? Even the British high school called Armitage high school was for the children of traditional rulers to appease them and that was the only high school they built in 400 years of occupation. So if one high school was built in 400 years how many years would it have taken us to add a college or university? Nearly a billion years. Therefore, when you listen to BBC saying we didn't tell anybody about our decision to withdraw from the commonwealth. What they are saying is that we should have taken permission from somebody after informing them ahead of time and they would have advised us whether or not to withdraw or not to leave the commonwealth. And it is not only about the Gambia. They want every African government or leader to do the same. Consult the West before doing anything. Well, that time is long past. We don't want to be anybody's servant. Now they are telling everyone how the Gambia was benefiting from the commonwealth, though they won't say how much. But let me tell you the story about how much the Gambia was putting into the commonwealth annually compared to what we got form the commonwealth. It didn't balance.
If I have to give say 8 million dollars annually to an institution that belongs to both of us, and I get less than one million dollars back annually who is benefiting and who is losing? And from now on we shall do what is right according to our norms, culture and religion. And we shall leave them to practice what is right according to their norms, culture and religion.

Q | On the issue of good governance, your political opponents and the Western media say you are a dictator and you abuse human rights including homosexual rights. Why should they say otherwise?

Oh yes, I am a dictator of development, a dictator of progress, and a dictator that will not be dictated to by outsiders. But in The Gambia I am a servant of the people. We have come a long way, we still have a long way to go, but we have depended only on God and other countries that recognise that we are human beings and that we are an independent and sovereign country.

And we shall not accept any British person telling us what to do, or that homosexuality is a human right and therefore we should legalise it here in The Gambia. Well, if they want their countries to be led by homosexuals, that is their business, but not in The Gambia. So if they think it is right, let them practise it there, but not here in The Gambia, do you understand?

On governance, when did Africans participate in elections in the colonial era? It seems the idea of human rights, freedom and good governance never applied to their colonial subjects.

Q | Your stance is sure to affect the level of international funding you get, do you realise that?

What funding? Now show me one African country that has developed today thanks to the West, tell me.

About 99% of the infrastructural projects here have been built from our own national resources. Yes, we have built this infrastructure. We have built this country from the Stone Age. If you look at The Gambia divided into two by the River Gambia, the north bank of the river never had a highway until we came into office. Today the north bank has the best highway in the country. Let me tell you one thing, but I don’t know whether I should tell you this.

Q | Yes please, do.

You know that 75% of rural Gambia is electrified, and 90% of rural Gambia has potable water. No, they will not want the world to hear about that.

Q | But why so? You are increasingly accused of human rights violations, being homophobic, and executing political opponents and journalists. We hear more about these things, not about potable water and the electrification of rural Gambia. We know bad news sells, but how do you react to such strong sentiments?

Nobody is saying anything about the Gambian people who were murdered by the murderers we executed. Now if they have abolished the death penalty [in the West], that doesn’t mean that they should impose it on The Gambia or the developing world. They hanged people right here in Africa during the colonial era.

Do you know that you will never read any history of Africa where the kings ordered somebody to be hanged. The idea of the death penalty by hanging was brought to Africa by the colonialists.

Before colonialism, offenders paid in kind, there wasn’t anything like policing. The only time somebody was killed was when different kingdoms fought against each other. The idea of policing and prison was non-existent here in Africa.

Now the colonialists who brought the harsh prison regimes want to lecture us about human rights.

What could be more cruel than capturing Africans, packing them like sardines in a boat, like cargo, and taking them for auctioning in America, and then letting them live like dogs while working under harsh conditions for the white man, for hundreds of years! And at the end of it all, Africa does not get as much as an apology for the inhumanity and suffering and the sheer trauma imposed on us by the USA and the European slaving nations. After looting the whole continent and killing so many people [they] still fail to give any apology whatsoever! How can they be teachers of democracy and human rights to Africa?

But they will argue that, that was a long time ago. It was their ancestors who did it, not the current generation.

Q | Looking ahead, in the next five years, what can Gambians expect, as there is still a lot to do and achieve in terms of development in this country?

Five years is a long time, in The Gambia we see changes, positive changes, every three months. So I will tell you that if you come back to The Gambia in one year’s time, you will see something different, you will see more advancement. In the next five years we want The Gambia to be one of the leading economies in the entire world, not only in Africa. Yes, in five years we want to see a Gambia where only the most extreme medical conditions are sent abroad for treatment, where the literacy rate has improved tremendously, where we have more university students, where education is free.

Q | That is monumental for a country that is not so rich in natural resources. In fact, some media reports say The Gambia’s success actually depends on foreign aid, how do you react to that? 

Those who say The Gambia has been built on foreign aid, let them show you one infrastructure here that was built with foreign aid. They have never given me a respite, they have been attacking me all the time because of my stance on important issues, which will never change, and then they go ahead and report that The Gambia’s success story is due to foreign aid. Foreign aid from which Western country?

We are not dependent on foreign aid, and I don’t think if we were dependent on foreign aid for our livelihood I would be taking the decisions I take. I wouldn’t be able to follow this position of complete independence. I am fighting for the dignity of the African wherever he or she is, and defending my religious belief. If we are dependent on foreign aid, to be where we are, let them tell the whole world who gave us that aid. Because the West is shamelessly brave about taking credit for other people’s efforts, let them tell us what they built for us in The Gambia for all those years that they were here.  

Q | It is interesting that the country, as you say, is not dependent on foreign aid at a time when much of Africa is so dependent on foreign aid though.

I always tell my colleagues and even Gambians that if anybody in Africa believes that the same colonialists of old, will come and develop their countries, they are big fools. In the case of The Gambia, they were here for 400 years and all they did was to take away our resources.

They took and took from us, and sold our land. The Gambia was much bigger than what it is today. It was a land of great elephants. I bought a map of The Gambia published in 1578 and discovered that one of the main reasons why the British came here was the trade in ivory. And then in 400 years of British occupation and exploitation, the last elephant was shot in 1958. The hill is still there on the River Gambia, they killed all the elephants and all the rhinos in this country. They depleted our wildlife, and at the time of independence The Gambia that used to be an elephant was handed over to the natives in the form of a snake.

If you look at The Gambia today, do you wonder why the map is in straight lines? For example, from the edge of the River Gambia to the border with Senegal is 25 miles, and you know why? It is because that was the range of their cannons.

So you look at The Gambia today at any point, and measure the distance, where the river meanders and twists and turns, you can see that they used a calliper or whatever instrument to follow the river, but the distance to the Senegalese border remains the same. Up to today the British will not tell us what agreement led to the reduction of our land, how we lost our land. So when we are talking about development and they say “Oh, The Gambia is dependent on foreign aid”, I say foreign aid from whom?

Q | The Gambia has unexploited oil resources, doesn’t it? 

Of course, that is why I don’t think that any African country can be told it has no natural resources. In the Gambia we have minerals and oil resources that we have not started exploiting. One of the crimes I am supposed to have committed is to say we are not going to accept 5% from our petroleum resources, and the rest going to the foreign oil companies exploiting our resources.

But they tell me that other African countries have accepted the 5%, and in fact they told me that no African country, except three, get more than 3% from their minerals. So if other African countries have accepted that ridiculously low percentage, then you must be in the wrong not to accept the same ludicrous deal. To me, any talk of 3% or 5% royalties to exploit our resources is an insult.

So, they expect me to have diamonds in the Gambia and go to my people and tell them, “Oh, don’t worry we are getting only 5% of what God has given us, and a western company is getting 95%.” No, I can’t say that. And so, this is the crime I am supposed to have committed.
But if you look at Dubai in 1990 and the Dubai of today, and the Qatar of today, both countries are completely changed. But look at some of the oil-producing countries in Africa, I won’t name them, it’s a sad story. The irony is that African countries are the richest in mineral resources, but our citizens are the poorest in the world. This state of affairs must change.

Q | So where do you lay the blame? Africans have so much yet so little.

I will tell you a story. Somebody told me, “Oh, little Gambia I will give you $400m a year, but that’s too much for a small country”. I said, “Are you going to give it to me for free?” He said, “No of course, the oil”. I said, “You want to exploit our oil, and you tell me that giving us $400m a year is too much for The Gambia?”

The surveys already carried out show that this country has maybe four or five billion barrels of oil and they want to give us only $400m, by a calculation of 5% royalty, and even that they say is too much for The Gambia. And who is he to tell us that?
The oil belongs to the Gambian people, but he thought he was doing me a favour. I told him to go to hell. He didn’t like it, but I told him that if he ever set his foot on Gambian soil again, he would regret it.

Q | So where do African solutions lie in terms of making sure that the monetary value of these natural resources remains with Africans, ordinary Africans in particular?

With regards to natural resources, the solution lies in African leadership. There are some leaders who really fight for their people, but there are also those who just say yes sir, yes sir to foreign powers. These are the type of leaders we never hear being criticised by the Western media. These are their people! And they come to preach to us about democracy. Democracy, is it a 21st-century invention? No, it’s not! You come from Zambia, don’t you?

Yes, I come from Zambia, the copper rich country.

When I was in Form 5, our geography lessons talked about copper in Zambia and our Sierra Leonean teacher, Mr Camara, would tell us how the copper in Zambia was one of the most expensive metals in the world. And since then, up to today, Zambia has been the largest producer of copper in Africa, but is there much to show for it?

Q | You talked about the royalties being 3% to 5%.

Yes, and I know, that tells a lot. But as a leader, you have to be brave enough to say, “I’m not going to accept this.” For me in The Gambia, I have made that very clear.

They have cited to me all the countries that accept 3% or less for natural resource royalties, and I said that is not for The Gambia. So my only crime is standing up to them and saying I am going to defend Africa. They can call me any name they want, they can pay Gambians or other people to criticise me, I don’t give a damn! What I care about is the welfare of my people, the dignity of my people. Unfortunately, the British sold the greater part of our country, for the elephant they met in 1578 and they turned The Gambia into the small snake it is today.

But The Gambia will never be enslaved again or colonised again. That is never going to happen again, and I wish my colleagues in Africa would also stand up and ensure that their countries are not enslaved or colonised again.

It may not be physical colonisation, but it can be for example in the exploitation of our mineral resources of which I find the deals they offer us insulting. And if you stand up to them, they turn against you and call you a dictator.

But it is better to fight for the rights of your people and be called a dictator than being a puppet that they will discard when they don’t have any need of you any more.

Remember the Zairean leader, Mobutu Sese Seko, who was at one time the most important ally of the USA and the West in Africa, and how he was used to prolonging apartheid in South Africa. Mobutu was the bastion of all the anti-African elements that supported apartheid, and sponsored by the West. South Africa was free to use Zaire to attack countries like Zambia and Tanzania, that supported and hosted the African freedom fighters.

Mobutu was the most important ally of the West and when he outlived his usefulness, they sent another of their so-called leaders to kick him out. In the end, they called Mobutu a dictator, and when he died, just four people buried him in Morocco. Why don’t we Africans learn lessons from that? If they could betray their staunch ally Mobutu, who served them so faithfully to the detriment of his own country and people, who is safe in their hands?

Q | So you have a real problem with deals being offered to exploit Gambia’s oil?

Of course I do. We African leaders deprive our people from benefiting from their God-given resources because we accept ridiculous deals that prevent us from earning enough to improve the lives of our people. This is the problem. Because if they come and give you 5% and tell you how much the president is going to get, we agree. But the oil resources do not belong to the president, but to the people. So I will not accept 10% on behalf of the Gambian people. If I did, how would I explain to them that we have 10% and the foreigners have taken 90%? [scoffs]. Why would they want me to accept 5% for 35 years, do you understand?

Unfortunately for most of us, when we want to become president, we promise a lot to our people once we become president, we turn around and believe that the West is god, [thinking] if I don’t please the West, we will not rule for a long time. And as long as Africans turn their backs on the real God and their own people, this status quo will continue, unfortunately.

Q | How would the question of living in a so-called globalised world come in then, a globalised world where you have to work with partners and foreign investors to help develop the natural resources of your country? 

Well, globalisation doesn’t mean we have to give away our natural resources for a song. No. And I am not saying that all companies are bad, but we have to make choices. This is where being truly independent is very important, and working with countries who have moral values, who know that this wealth belongs to Africa. We have heard many times about how China just gives to African dictators without regard to their human rights record.

I was going to come to that.

But then the same Western countries turn around and accept the same Chinese capital investment. If the Chinese should pull out their capital investments in the USA today, the American capital markets would collapse. But they think Africans are stupid. No! We are not.

The advent of China in Africa has given the Africans the latitude to choose who they want to work with. And this is a threat to the West, to their hedge funds and so forth, so they will do anything to discredit China.

Today, we also have the Gulf states, we have Asia and the BRICS [Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa], but what is more important is to work with whoever has a conscience. I am not saying that all the Western countries are vampires, there are people and countries there who have a conscience, who have always stood up for African interests, but they are very few.  But importantly, let us take control of our countries, our resources, and then from there we will decide who we want to work with.  

Q | Another problem is the low prices that Africa gets for its resources, isn’t it?

Exactly. It’s like you having a herd of cattle, and there is only one buyer in the village who is always fixing the price, take it or leave it and if the butcher is wealthier than the owner of the herd of cattle, where he is buying the cattle from, then there is a problem, which is what is happening with African resources.

Take for example crops such as cocoa or coffee, the companies that buy coffee from Africa are wealthier than all the African coffee producing countries put together and they are buying their coffee and cocoa beans from Africa. What does it take you to turn a bean into drinkable coffee? It’s just roasting. So I spend all day working on the farm, harvesting the coffee beans, washing them, drying them, and then they come and say I will buy your coffee at so-and-so dollars, that is the world market price. So the buyers of African raw materials are always wealthier than the African producers of raw materials, and the status quo doesn’t seem to change.

Q | As I was being driven in, I saw the arch and the inscription on it says “Behind every successful man, there is a woman”. So how is the issue of gender parity in The Gambia?

This vocabulary – gender – is new. During the colonial era nobody talked about gender parity in Africa. They really thought the matter was not a factor in Africa. In The Gambia, we do not see ourselves, man or woman, as adversaries or opponents or competitors.

We don’t see ourselves as half beings that need another half to make ourselves whole. In the Gambia no decision is taken, even in the villages, without the participation and consent of the wife. That has always been there, and unfortunately today they will tell you the African woman is disenfranchised, that she is not empowered,  and has no access to land and so forth. But for The Gambia the issue of gender is not an issue, it has never been, and it will never be.

I have the longest serving vice president in the world, and she is a woman. She is not there because I wanted to please anybody. In this country one’s gender doesn’t matter, what matters is your willingness and patriotism to work for and help develop your country, it’s not a gender issue.


Q | How would you sell the Gambian story, to counter the negativity and bad press that the country and your government gets outside its borders?

I put my faith in the Almighty Allah and as long as I know that what I am doing is right, I fear nothing. I am used to this negativity from 1994 to date, but would that make me back down from my stance to defend Africa, to defend our interests and our independence? No. I will never back down. A Gambian proverb says an enemy is an enemy, and even if you dance in the water he is still going to complain that you are raising a lot of dust and making him cough.

Q | Finally, I know that agriculture is a passion of yours, do we see Africa’s future in an agricultural revolution, and why are you so passionate about agriculture?

I am a natural-born farmer. In my family, from my age upwards only two of us have been to school, the rest have always been farmers, so farming is in my blood. But I can’t believe that after all the arable land we have in Africa and the conducive environmental condition for agricultural production available in Africa, the continent is still a net importer of food such as rice. This is very, very alarming.

So the future of Africa and our independence will depend on our ability to feed yourselves. A prosperous and healthier Africa will depend on Africa’s ability to produce its own food.

Lack of food is becoming a deadlier weapon than anything else. For example, The Gambia is not an industrialised country, but we see children born with deformities that are horrifying, that are synonymous with highly industrialised polluted countries, yet Gambia is not a polluted country. So that can only be attributed to what we eat. And so the only guarantee of good health is our ability to produce what we eat.

Agriculture is very important and that is why I believe in leading by example. And I want to change the notion in this country that if you are a farmer, you are a social failure and that is why you are farming. Yet in most parts of the world the richest people are farmers. So I want to remove that stigmatisation.

Q | Can I comment on the Zimbabwean example, where the white farmers were commercial farmers while the rest of the farming population produced largely on a subsistence level, so, that’s not what you envision.

No, not at all. That is the problem we have in Gambian agriculture too, and it is something we want to change. Agriculture is not sustainable at the subsistence level because not all of us are farmers or can be farmers. So if we encourage subsistence agriculture, we are encouraging importation.

If I grow what I need to eat, then what about the one who is not a farmer who lives in the urban area where there is no farmland? So, let us move away from subsistence agriculture to commercial agriculture.

In fact my policy is commercial agriculture, I want to mechanise it and make it attractive for young people to get into farming and agro-processing. You cannot be independent if you don’t grow your own food. So let’s stop being net importers of food and become net exporters.

Nothing is more pleasant for me, apart from praying than having a long day’s hard work on the farm.


BRAVO,  JAMMEH !!!!

Thursday, October 17, 2013

MSHAHARA WA MHESHIMIWA RAIS WA JAMHURI YA MUUNGANO WA TANZANIA, AFRIKA MASHARIKI

 Imetundikwa hapa leo hii 18/10/2013.


 MSHAHARA  WA MHESHIMIWA RAIS WA JAMHURI YA MUUNGANO WA TANZANIA NA WAZIRI MKUU WAKE - KUTOKA "MWANANCHI"

Jamani sijui kama mmeisoma hii nimeiona kwenye Mwananchi ya tarehe 14 Oktoba, 2013; ambapo Mheshimiwa Mbunge Zitto  Zuberi Kabwe ameufichua mshahara wa Rais wa Tanzania kuwa ni shilingi milioni 32 kwa mwezi au dola 240,000 kwa mwaka, wakati Waziri Mkuu wa Tanzania, analipwa shilingi milioni 26 kwa mwezi. Zitto amesema hizi hazikatwi kodi hata senti tano, na hawa viongozi wanapewa mahitaji yao yote na serikali.

This is sickening. It is blasphemous kwa Rais wa Tanzania ambaye wananchi wake hawana dawa ya malaria, watoto wana kwashakor, shule hazina madawati, ambaye anapita na bakuli kuomba 43 percent ya bajeti ya serikali toka kwa Wazungu, huku take-home yake inazidi ya Rais wa Marekani  (USA) ambaye ni Barack Hussein Obama kwa sasa; ambaye analipwa 400,000$ kwa mwaka na zinakatwa kodi na mengine mengi tu.

Have we no shame, no shame at all? If this is not institutionalized thuggery I dont know what is? The President gets more than 1 million shillings a day for 10 years straight while 40 percent of his people live on less than $2 a day? Tuna uroho kiasi gani? Ni za nini wakati kiinua mgongo chake ni 90 percent ya mshahara wa Rais aliyeko madarakani kwa maisha yake yote?

Our leadership has trully become immoral. I cringe to refer to these as "leaders". 32 million a month kwa mtu anayetunzwa na kulishwa yeye na familia yake kwa maisha yake yote?

Labda ndio maana wanafanya hii mishahara ni siri.