Thumbs up H. Rider Haggard's Hero Umslopogaas - Posted on 22/8/2010
umsolopagazi
H. Rider Haggard's Hero Umslopogaas
Where is he buried?
by Stephen Coan
Is the mighty Umslopogaas, the axe-wielding hero of Sir Henry Rider Haggard's Allan Quatermain and Nada the Lily, buried under the playing fields of Clarendon Primary? Possibly. But what is a fictional hero doing in a grave, known or unknown, in the first place?
Well, Umslopogaas was based on a real person, his name was M'hlopekazi, & the young Haggard met him in Pietermaritzburg in the 1870s. When Haggard accompanied Sir Theophilus Shepstone on his mission to annex the Transvaal in 1877 the sixty-year-old M'hlopekazi was one of the small party.
Haggard described him as a "a kind of head native attendant to Sir Theophilus." A son of M'Swazi, king of Swaziland, he was a "tall, thin, fierce-faced fellow with a great hole above the left temple over which the skin pulsated, that he had come by in some battle. He said that the had killed ten men in single combat ... always making use of a battle-axe ... He was an interesting old fellow from whom I heard many stories."
M'hlopekazi came to Natal from Swaziland in 1859 claiming to be an ambassador from his father to the British, possibly a deliberate diplomatic move as he was too close to the throne for his own safety.
The young M'hlopekazi had fought in the Nyati Regiment - "the crack corps of the country," according to his obituary in the Natal Witness published after his death in 1897. On his arrival in Pietermaritzburg "being a 'Prince of the Blood' & a warrior of some renown, Umhlopekazi (sic) appears to have commanded a considerable amount of respect from the first & shortly after his arrival he was taken into the service of the late Sir Theophilus Shepstone accompanying that gentleman as a kind of aide-de-camp in his travels & mission through the Cape Colony, Basutoland & the Transvaal."
M'hlopekazi & his battle-axe were inseparable, he referred to it affectionately as nkosi-kaas, the iron Chieftainess, or Woodpecker - for reasons which Haggard makes graphically clear in Allan Quatermain: "it was but rarely that (he) used the crashing doubled handed stroke: on the contrary, he did little more than tap continually at his adversaries head, pecking at it with the pole-axe end of the axe as a woodpecker pecks at rotten wood..."
"He apparently cherished his Inkosikaas like a wife," writes Lilias Rider Haggard in her biography of her father. M'hlopekazi said the axe "was evidently a woman because she pried so deep into things - that she was clearly a chieftainess as so many people fell down before her. When asked why he talked to her when puzzled or heavy of heart he replied: 'She must needs be wise, having looked into many men's brains.'"
Lilias describes the axe as "a beautiful weapon, long light & slender, the haft fashioned from an enormous rhinoceros horn, flexible as cane, bound at intervals weith brass wire & a knob at the end to prevent the hand from slipping."
In the Rider Haggard display room at Fort Amiel in Newcastle (Haggard lived briefly in the area) there are photographs of M'hlopekazi/Umslopogaas with his axe. The axe itself is in a display case, though it bears little resemblance to the one described by Haggard or his daughter.
Changed from a Swazi to a Zulu, & under the name Umslopogaas, M'hlopekazi featured in three books by Haggard: Allan Quatermain (1887), Nada the Lily (1892) and She & Allan (1921).
Allan Quatermain finds Umslopogaas joining up with the heroes of King Solomon's Mines on an expedition to the land of the Zu-Vendi where he meets his death after a heroic battle in the chapter "How Umslopogaas held the Stair."
His earlier life is featured in Nada the Lily. This is Haggard's only "all black" novel. Set during the reign of Shaka, it is the tale of Umslopogaas's love for the Nada of the title & his friendship wtih Galazi, a warrior-shaman who lives on Tshaneni or Ghost Mountain near Mkuze & runs with a wolf pack (for wolves read hyenas). The tale inspired Rudyard Kipling to write The Jungle Books.
By the time Haggard wrote She & Allan his popularity had waned &, in a bid to fan his literary flame, he resurrected his most popular heroes - She, Allan Quatermain & Umslopogaas.
M'hlopekazi was aware of his pseudonymous literary fame. In a conversation with Melmoth Osborn he asked whether Haggard received any remuneration for these stories which featured him. Being told "yes" he suggested some of this might be passed his way. Haggard sent him not money but a knife with his name engraved upon it.
On another occasion he was asked if he was proud of his name being in books. "No," he answered, "to me it is nothing. Yet I am glad that Indanda (Haggard) has set my name in writings that will not be forgotten, so that when my people are no more a people, one of them at least, will be remembered."
M'hlopekazi died on Sunday, October 24, 1897 at the age of 80 after being bed-ridden with rheumatism for two months. He was reported to have died of rheumatism of the heart.
In an address given on January 1, 1898, the Maritzburg architect William Lucas recalled "the final handshake I received not many hours before Umhlopekazi (sic) passed away."
"Ah! What a handshake. Few hands, in fact or fiction, I thought, had played more stirring parts in the conflict of life than that I then grasped for the last time. In the extreme weakness of Umhlopekazi I had no intention of touching it, but was contenting myself with waving a farewell. He, however, gradually drew his arm from beneath his covering & moved his hand towards me. The pathos of the last glimpse of that historic right arm was intense. I grasped the hand, hardly as tenderly as I might have done, it gave him a twitch of pain, yet the interpreter assured me his goodbye was most affectionate. The sense of kingliness supremely displayed linked with the simplicity of that life, impressed me much."
According to the Natal Mercury M'hlopekazi "was buried in the Native Cemetery on the Town Hill, Pietermaritzburg." And this is where the confusion arises concerning his final resting place.
Where was this cemetery? Nobody seems to know. In Pietermaritzburg 1838-1988, edited by John Laband & Rob Haswell, reference is made to the fact that "Maritzburg's non-Christians were banished to a burial ground which was set aside on the Town Hill in 1963." This was for Hindus, Muslims & Jews. Was it also the "Native Cemetery." According to the same source in 1896 this cemetery "was reduced in area to make way for suburban growth on the hill, & builders unearthed unmarked graves & skeletons in the process."
But M'hlopekazi died in 1897, a year after the date given for the dismantling of what might have been the "native" section of the cemetery. I have not been able to pin down a source for the 1896 removals. Today, though no longer in use for burials, the are still a Muslim & Jewish cemetery off Roberts Road, adjacent to Clarendon Primary. Other graves lie untended nearby. Were the Clarendon playing fields the site of the "Native Cemetery"? Can any readers provide an answer?
Whatever the whereabouts of M'hlopekazi's remains, perhaps his most enduring resting place is within the pages of Allan Quatermain where, as the fictional Umslopogaas, he is buried, facing towards Zululand, "at the top of the stair he defended so splendidly ... There he sits, & will sit for ever, for they embalmed him with spices, & put him in an air-tight, stone coffer, keeping his grim watch beneath the spot he held alone against a multitude. The people say that at night his ghost rises & stands shaking the phantom Inkosi-kaas at phantom foes. Certainly they fear during the dark hours to pass the place where the hero is buried."
The following correspondence was received from the essayist by way of an addendum:
Dear Jessica: Yes, the Umslopogaas story is a sad one - another illustrative of South Africa's apartheid past. Thanks for putting it on your website. A number of telephone calls were received following publication of the article "A fictional hero in a city grave" in The Natal Witness concerning the real identity of Sir Henry Rider Haggard's hero Umslopogaas. In reality a Swazi called M'hlopekazi, the article suggested his bones lay under the playing fields of Clarendon Primary School. One reader recalled her father digging up "loads of bones" during the building work at the school in 1963. Another caller, a pupil at Clarendon in the 1970s, remembered that when graders came to level the lower playing field work was halted while human remains were removed. Unless further information comes to light it seems that the bones of Umslopogaas/M'hlopekazi were or are indeed under the playing fields of Clarendon Primary.
Recently a friend found a reference in a local magazine to a plaque being unveiled in Pietermaritzburg in 1947 to mark the 50th anniversary of Umslopogaas/M'Hlopekazi's death. However it doesn't seem to exist any more. When I get some time I will go through the papers of the year to see if I can find out more.
This article first appeared in The Natal Witness, November 2, 1999, & is copyright © 1999 by Stephen Coan. The author has annotated a previously unpublished Haggard diary of his Natal days & Violet Books will be importing copies for sale the instant this is in print from its South African publisher.
The portrait of Prince M'hlopekazi of Swaziland was
borrowed from Peter Berresford Ellis's H. Rider Haggard: A Voice from the Infinite.
Source: Violet Books: Umslopogaas
Saturday, August 21, 2010
RAIS KIKWETE WA TANZANIA AANGUKA JUKWAANI KWA MARA YA 4
Kwanini Rais Kikwete ameanguka tena? Habari hii imehifadhiwa humu 22/8/2010
Ansbert Ngurumo
NATOA pole kwa Rais Jakaya Kikwete, ambaye ameanguka tena jukwaani jana (21/8/2-2010).
Namuombea apone haraka, aweze kuendelea na majukumu yake, na kutafakari upya uzito wa ujumbe wa makala za safu hii ya Maswali Magumu.
Aamini kwamba safu hii inalenga kumsaidia kwa kumfikishia ujumbe mzito ambao wasaidizi wake wanaogopa kumpatia.
Ajue pia kwamba tunapomuonya yeye au wasaidizi wake, dhidi ya mambo fulani, hatusukumwi na chuki binafsi, bali uzalendo; mapenzi yetu kwa nchi yetu. Na baada ya tukio la jana, la rais kuanguka tena (mara ya nne), jukwaani akiwa anahutubia kwenye viwanja vya Jangwani, Dar es Salaam, imenilazimu kuwahoji tena madaktari wake, kwa kuwakumbusha hoja niliyoitoa katika makala ya Oktoba 11, mwaka jana.
Nilitilia shaka taarifa ya daktari; nikahisi imetolewa kisiasa, si kitabibu. Nikahoji, Rais Kikwete akianguka tena, daktari wake atatuambia nini? Nairudia. Isome.
Naandika kwa uangalifu mkubwa kwa sababu mada yenyewe ni nyeti, kuhusu mjadala uliotawala wiki hii juu ya afya ya Rais Jakaya Kikwete, hata baada ya ofisi yake kujitetea na daktari wake kutoa taarifa kwenye vyombo vya habari. Wananchi wamekataa kunyamaza. Kwa nini?
Ni vigumu kuwanyamazisha watu na si vema kuwanyamazisha, wanapojadili suala gumu na zito kama hili. Na hapa si tu kwamba wanajadili, bali wanamjali rais wao; na wanaipenda nchi yao.
Na katika hili hatugombani na rais hata kidogo. Tunamfariji. Rais ni mgonjwa kwa daktari wake; ni kiongozi kwa wananchi wake. Ingawa ugonjwa wa rais ndiyo ajira ya daktari wake, naamini kwamba sote, na daktari akiwamo, tunaguswa sana na msukosuko wa kiafya unaomgusa rais kwa namna yoyote ile.
Na inapofika mahali ofisi ya kiongozi mkuu wa nchi ikatoa idhini kwamba daktari wake azungumze hadharani kuhusu afya ya mgonjwa wake, ujue kuna tatizo kubwa.
Lakini kubwa ninaloliona hapa ni kwamba kisaikolojia rais amefedheheshwa na matukio ya kuzidiwa na kudondoka hadharani pamoja na lile la kuishiwa nguvu hivi karibuni jijini Mwanza, na njia mojawapo ya kuyakabili na kupunguza porojo juu ya afya yake ni kufanya hiki walichofanya wiki hii.
Binadamu yeyote mwenye akili timamu na moyo wa utu, atamuonea huruma rais wetu, atamtakia mema na hata kumwombea apone (hata kama wanatuambia hana tatizo). Ndivyo tunavyofanya sasa. Lakini kuna jambo la ziada.
Tuna ugomvi na wasaidizi wa rais. Hatuwezi kuwaacha wamdhalilishe na kumfedhehesha kiongozi mkuu wa nchi, halafu wakatoa taarifa za kujisafisha. Wakitaka kutoa maelezo rasmi wajiandae vizuri zaidi.
Katika blogu yangu ya Kiingereza (www.ngurumo.wordpress.com) nimelijadili suala hili kwa kifupi, nikisisitiza kwamba kiongozi wa nchi hapaswi kuzidiwa na kuanguka hadharani; na nikatoa mifano ya wachache waliovunja kanuni hii, Rais Kikwete akiwamo.
Nimedokeza pia kwamba kuzidiwa kwa Rais Kikwete akiwa anahutubia umati wa waamini wa Kanisa la African Inland (AIC), Mwanza, lilikuwa tukio la tatu ninalokumbuka kumpata hadharani ndani ya miaka 12.
Alipokuwa waziri wa Mambo ya Nje na Ushirikiano wa Kimataifa, aliwahi kuzidiwa ghafla mwaka 1997 katika Uwanja wa Ndege wa Brussels, Ubelgiji, akiwa njiani kuelekea Cuba. Ilibidi alazwe kwa saa nane kabla ya kuruhusiwa kuendelea na safari.
Tunakumbuka pia kilichomtokea mwaka 2005, siku moja kabla ya Uchaguzi Mkuu; alipozidiwa ghafla na kudondoka kutoka jukwaani, akakatiza hotuba yake katika viwanja vya Jangwani, Dar es Salaam. Viongozi waandamizi waliokuwapo, wanausalama, wanahabari na wananchi waliokuwa uwanjani na hata waliokuwa wanafuatilia katika redio na runinga, walipata mshtuko mkubwa.
Baada ya ‘mgonjwa’ kupewa huduma hospitalini, aliweza kuzungumza na vyombo vya habari akiwa nyumbani kwake, akasema alianguka kwa sababu ya uchovu wa kampeni, na kwa kuwa siku hiyo alikuwa amefunga. Naamini tukio hilo lilimpatia pia ‘kura za huruma.’
Sijui tukio jingine la kuanguka kwake hadharani au faragha, lakini hili la Mwanza la juzi, lilikuwa la tatu. Kwa serikali iliyo makini, na kwa wahudumu wanaotaka tuwaamini kwamba wanatimiza wajibu wao katika kumhudumia kiongozi mkuu wa nchi, tukio la Mwanza lilipaswa kuepukwa.
Wanaofanya kazi kwa karibu na rais wamekuwa wakisimulia jinsi ambavyo katika miezi yake ya awali ya utawala wake, alikuwa akipatwa na hisia mbaya kila alipokumbuka anguko la Jangwani.
Fedheha ya kuanguka hadharani ilimnyima imani ya kujiamini mbele ya umma, kiasi kwamba alikuwa akizungumzia mara kwa mara kwa utani ili kuliondoa kwenye hisia chafu.
Miaka minne baadaye, linapomtokea tukio jingine linalofanana na hili katika mazingira ya jukwaani mbele ya umma, linamtonesha vidonda na kumdhuru kisaikolojia. Kujiamini kunatoweka tena.
Hawezi kusema hadharani, lakini sasa hivi rais anapaswa asaidiwe kuondokana na hofu ya kusimama hadharani.
Baada ya yote yaliyotokea, haitoshi kauli ya daktari wa rais kwamba “tumejifunza, na tunaahidi kuwa waangalifu zaidi”, inaeleza kwamba anatambua kosa lake na wenzake, lakini haitoshi.
Wanapaswa wafanye jambo la ziada la kumuimarisha rais mwenyewe kimwili na kisaikolojia. Bila hivyo, ataanguka tena, na tutaambiwa “hana tatizo la kiafya.”
Haitoshi kabisa kusema kwamba rais hana tatizo lolote la kiafya, bali uchovu pekee ndio umesababisha matukio yote hayo.
Tunavyojua, kwa kawaida, watawala na wanajeshi hawaanguki hovyo hovyo - tena hadharani. Si kawaida, ni aibu, na haitarajiwi kwa watawala na wanajeshi kuzidiwa na kuanguka hadharani.
Inakuwaje Amiri Jeshi Mkuu, mtawala na mwanajeshi kitaaluma azidiwe na kudondoka mara kadhaa, halafu wasaidizi wake wanacheka cheka na kusema hakuna tatizo? Wanamdanganya yeye au wanatudanganya sisi?
Si tu rais ni mwanajeshi, bali anatunzwa kama mtoto - anakula vizuri, anapimwa afya kila mara, analala pazuri, anasafiri kwa raha katika daraja la juu kwenye ndege, anafunguliwa hata mlango wa gari, anapangiwa ratiba ya kazi, anapangiwa hata muda wa kulala.
Ndiyo, anafanya kazi zinazoweza kumchosha akili lakini hayuko peke yake.
Rais wetu si dhaifu kama wananchi wake ambao wengi wanalala au kushinda njaa; wanapata mlo mara moja moja (na wenyewe haujakamilika virutubisho); wanafanya kazi nzito na ngumu zinazokula nguvu ya mwili na akili; wana pato duni sana (chini ya shilingi 1,000 kwa siku); wanakabiliwa na magonjwa hatari na hawana huduma ya matibabu inayoeleweka na inayoaminika; wanaishi katika mazingira hatari; wanakabiliwa na magonjwa sugu kwa miaka mingi; wanatembea kwa miguu au baiskeli, Bajaj au wanasafiri kwa malori na mabasi mabovu; hata kwa wanaosafiri kwa ndege, wanatumia madaraja ya chini yanayochosha; wanalala kwa saa mbili au tatu kila siku; wanasumbuliwa na umaskini wa kutisha kiasi kwamba kila wanapolala hawana tumaini kama wataiona kesho.
Watanzania hawa hawazimii, hawaishiwi nguvu wala hawaanguki, aanguke rais mwenye afya isiyotetereka (kama tulivyoelezwa) na mwenye matunzo ya viwango vya juu? Hapa ndipo kuna swali kuu ambalo daktari wa rais, Dk. Peter Mfisi, hajalijibu.
Na ingawa tunajua kuwa afya ya mgonjwa ni siri yake na daktari wake, kwa kuwa Dk. Mfisi amepewa ruhusa na mteja wake (rais) kutangaza taarifa hiyo, alipaswa kujua kwamba ripoti yake ingeibua maswali mengine yaliyofichika.
Kwanza, wapo wanaosema amekwenda mbali kuliko alikopaswa; kwamba ingetosha tu yeye kutoa tamko kwamba rais anaumwa nini, au kwamba haumwi bali amezidiwa kutokana na uchovu tu.
Kauli hiyo pekee kutoka kwa daktari wa rais ingekuwa na uzito wa kutosha, na labda ingeibua maswali machache zaidi.
Pili, uungwana wa kawaida unatulazimisha kukubaliana na daktari, maana sisi hatuna taarifa za ziada.
Lakini kwa kuwa daktari na mteja wake wamewasiliana na sisi kwa kutumia taarifa ya kisiasa kupitia vyombo vya habari; wala hakuna mwanahabari au mwana taaluma mwingine aliyeonyeshwa faili la afya ya rais, wananchi wana haki ya kuendelea kujadili suala hili na kuhoji maswali zaidi, hata yanayoudhi. Tusiwachukie. Tuwavumilie.
Hili la kuchoka na kuzidiwa si kosa binafsi la rais, bali ni la wasaidizi wake, ingawa naye ana uamuzi wa kufanya au kuacha jambo lolote analopangiwa. Washauri wa rais katika fani mbalimbali lazima walinde heshima yao kwa kuzingatia kwamba wao ni wataalamu wa maeneo husika.
Rais anapaswa awasikilize wao wanapomshauri kwa kuwa ndio wataalamu aliowateua au aliokabidhiwa. Ni makosa makubwa rais kudhani kwamba wataalamu waliomzunguka ni matarishi wa kumbebea mafaili na kuimba vibwagizo vyake kwa madhumuni ya kisiasa.
Yeye mwenyewe amekiri kwamba walimshauri akawagomea. Tungetarajia mambo mawili: kwanza, wataalamu hao wangelinda heshima ya taaluma zao kwa kujiuzulu kazi, kwa sababu hawana sababu ya kufanya kazi ya kumshauri kiongozi asiyeshaurika. Hawana kazi ya kufanya Ikulu.
Pili, baada ya tukio la Mwanza, rais alipaswa awawajibishe, kwamba wameshindwa kummudu na kumlindia afya na heshima mbele ya umma.
Bahati mbaya, kama ilivyo kawaida yake, badala ya kuwawajibisha kwa kumfedhehesha, amewatetea!
Wamepata bahati ile ile wanayofaidi mafisadi wanaocheka vizuri na wakubwa - kulindwa.
Matarajio yetu ni kwamba wasaidizi wamejifunza, lakini wajue bado wananchi wanahoji: Kama rais ni mzima kiasi tulichoelezwa, mbona anazidiwa na kuanguka? Kama ni uchovu tu, na kama wanasema wamejifunza, watatuambia nini iwapo rais atazidiwa tena hadharani kwa mara ya nne?
Imetokea. Sasa wana majibu? Bado wasaidizi wako Ikulu wanakula kuku?
Ansbert Ngurumo
NATOA pole kwa Rais Jakaya Kikwete, ambaye ameanguka tena jukwaani jana (21/8/2-2010).
Namuombea apone haraka, aweze kuendelea na majukumu yake, na kutafakari upya uzito wa ujumbe wa makala za safu hii ya Maswali Magumu.
Aamini kwamba safu hii inalenga kumsaidia kwa kumfikishia ujumbe mzito ambao wasaidizi wake wanaogopa kumpatia.
Ajue pia kwamba tunapomuonya yeye au wasaidizi wake, dhidi ya mambo fulani, hatusukumwi na chuki binafsi, bali uzalendo; mapenzi yetu kwa nchi yetu. Na baada ya tukio la jana, la rais kuanguka tena (mara ya nne), jukwaani akiwa anahutubia kwenye viwanja vya Jangwani, Dar es Salaam, imenilazimu kuwahoji tena madaktari wake, kwa kuwakumbusha hoja niliyoitoa katika makala ya Oktoba 11, mwaka jana.
Nilitilia shaka taarifa ya daktari; nikahisi imetolewa kisiasa, si kitabibu. Nikahoji, Rais Kikwete akianguka tena, daktari wake atatuambia nini? Nairudia. Isome.
Naandika kwa uangalifu mkubwa kwa sababu mada yenyewe ni nyeti, kuhusu mjadala uliotawala wiki hii juu ya afya ya Rais Jakaya Kikwete, hata baada ya ofisi yake kujitetea na daktari wake kutoa taarifa kwenye vyombo vya habari. Wananchi wamekataa kunyamaza. Kwa nini?
Ni vigumu kuwanyamazisha watu na si vema kuwanyamazisha, wanapojadili suala gumu na zito kama hili. Na hapa si tu kwamba wanajadili, bali wanamjali rais wao; na wanaipenda nchi yao.
Na katika hili hatugombani na rais hata kidogo. Tunamfariji. Rais ni mgonjwa kwa daktari wake; ni kiongozi kwa wananchi wake. Ingawa ugonjwa wa rais ndiyo ajira ya daktari wake, naamini kwamba sote, na daktari akiwamo, tunaguswa sana na msukosuko wa kiafya unaomgusa rais kwa namna yoyote ile.
Na inapofika mahali ofisi ya kiongozi mkuu wa nchi ikatoa idhini kwamba daktari wake azungumze hadharani kuhusu afya ya mgonjwa wake, ujue kuna tatizo kubwa.
Lakini kubwa ninaloliona hapa ni kwamba kisaikolojia rais amefedheheshwa na matukio ya kuzidiwa na kudondoka hadharani pamoja na lile la kuishiwa nguvu hivi karibuni jijini Mwanza, na njia mojawapo ya kuyakabili na kupunguza porojo juu ya afya yake ni kufanya hiki walichofanya wiki hii.
Binadamu yeyote mwenye akili timamu na moyo wa utu, atamuonea huruma rais wetu, atamtakia mema na hata kumwombea apone (hata kama wanatuambia hana tatizo). Ndivyo tunavyofanya sasa. Lakini kuna jambo la ziada.
Tuna ugomvi na wasaidizi wa rais. Hatuwezi kuwaacha wamdhalilishe na kumfedhehesha kiongozi mkuu wa nchi, halafu wakatoa taarifa za kujisafisha. Wakitaka kutoa maelezo rasmi wajiandae vizuri zaidi.
Katika blogu yangu ya Kiingereza (www.ngurumo.wordpress.com) nimelijadili suala hili kwa kifupi, nikisisitiza kwamba kiongozi wa nchi hapaswi kuzidiwa na kuanguka hadharani; na nikatoa mifano ya wachache waliovunja kanuni hii, Rais Kikwete akiwamo.
Nimedokeza pia kwamba kuzidiwa kwa Rais Kikwete akiwa anahutubia umati wa waamini wa Kanisa la African Inland (AIC), Mwanza, lilikuwa tukio la tatu ninalokumbuka kumpata hadharani ndani ya miaka 12.
Alipokuwa waziri wa Mambo ya Nje na Ushirikiano wa Kimataifa, aliwahi kuzidiwa ghafla mwaka 1997 katika Uwanja wa Ndege wa Brussels, Ubelgiji, akiwa njiani kuelekea Cuba. Ilibidi alazwe kwa saa nane kabla ya kuruhusiwa kuendelea na safari.
Tunakumbuka pia kilichomtokea mwaka 2005, siku moja kabla ya Uchaguzi Mkuu; alipozidiwa ghafla na kudondoka kutoka jukwaani, akakatiza hotuba yake katika viwanja vya Jangwani, Dar es Salaam. Viongozi waandamizi waliokuwapo, wanausalama, wanahabari na wananchi waliokuwa uwanjani na hata waliokuwa wanafuatilia katika redio na runinga, walipata mshtuko mkubwa.
Baada ya ‘mgonjwa’ kupewa huduma hospitalini, aliweza kuzungumza na vyombo vya habari akiwa nyumbani kwake, akasema alianguka kwa sababu ya uchovu wa kampeni, na kwa kuwa siku hiyo alikuwa amefunga. Naamini tukio hilo lilimpatia pia ‘kura za huruma.’
Sijui tukio jingine la kuanguka kwake hadharani au faragha, lakini hili la Mwanza la juzi, lilikuwa la tatu. Kwa serikali iliyo makini, na kwa wahudumu wanaotaka tuwaamini kwamba wanatimiza wajibu wao katika kumhudumia kiongozi mkuu wa nchi, tukio la Mwanza lilipaswa kuepukwa.
Wanaofanya kazi kwa karibu na rais wamekuwa wakisimulia jinsi ambavyo katika miezi yake ya awali ya utawala wake, alikuwa akipatwa na hisia mbaya kila alipokumbuka anguko la Jangwani.
Fedheha ya kuanguka hadharani ilimnyima imani ya kujiamini mbele ya umma, kiasi kwamba alikuwa akizungumzia mara kwa mara kwa utani ili kuliondoa kwenye hisia chafu.
Miaka minne baadaye, linapomtokea tukio jingine linalofanana na hili katika mazingira ya jukwaani mbele ya umma, linamtonesha vidonda na kumdhuru kisaikolojia. Kujiamini kunatoweka tena.
Hawezi kusema hadharani, lakini sasa hivi rais anapaswa asaidiwe kuondokana na hofu ya kusimama hadharani.
Baada ya yote yaliyotokea, haitoshi kauli ya daktari wa rais kwamba “tumejifunza, na tunaahidi kuwa waangalifu zaidi”, inaeleza kwamba anatambua kosa lake na wenzake, lakini haitoshi.
Wanapaswa wafanye jambo la ziada la kumuimarisha rais mwenyewe kimwili na kisaikolojia. Bila hivyo, ataanguka tena, na tutaambiwa “hana tatizo la kiafya.”
Haitoshi kabisa kusema kwamba rais hana tatizo lolote la kiafya, bali uchovu pekee ndio umesababisha matukio yote hayo.
Tunavyojua, kwa kawaida, watawala na wanajeshi hawaanguki hovyo hovyo - tena hadharani. Si kawaida, ni aibu, na haitarajiwi kwa watawala na wanajeshi kuzidiwa na kuanguka hadharani.
Inakuwaje Amiri Jeshi Mkuu, mtawala na mwanajeshi kitaaluma azidiwe na kudondoka mara kadhaa, halafu wasaidizi wake wanacheka cheka na kusema hakuna tatizo? Wanamdanganya yeye au wanatudanganya sisi?
Si tu rais ni mwanajeshi, bali anatunzwa kama mtoto - anakula vizuri, anapimwa afya kila mara, analala pazuri, anasafiri kwa raha katika daraja la juu kwenye ndege, anafunguliwa hata mlango wa gari, anapangiwa ratiba ya kazi, anapangiwa hata muda wa kulala.
Ndiyo, anafanya kazi zinazoweza kumchosha akili lakini hayuko peke yake.
Rais wetu si dhaifu kama wananchi wake ambao wengi wanalala au kushinda njaa; wanapata mlo mara moja moja (na wenyewe haujakamilika virutubisho); wanafanya kazi nzito na ngumu zinazokula nguvu ya mwili na akili; wana pato duni sana (chini ya shilingi 1,000 kwa siku); wanakabiliwa na magonjwa hatari na hawana huduma ya matibabu inayoeleweka na inayoaminika; wanaishi katika mazingira hatari; wanakabiliwa na magonjwa sugu kwa miaka mingi; wanatembea kwa miguu au baiskeli, Bajaj au wanasafiri kwa malori na mabasi mabovu; hata kwa wanaosafiri kwa ndege, wanatumia madaraja ya chini yanayochosha; wanalala kwa saa mbili au tatu kila siku; wanasumbuliwa na umaskini wa kutisha kiasi kwamba kila wanapolala hawana tumaini kama wataiona kesho.
Watanzania hawa hawazimii, hawaishiwi nguvu wala hawaanguki, aanguke rais mwenye afya isiyotetereka (kama tulivyoelezwa) na mwenye matunzo ya viwango vya juu? Hapa ndipo kuna swali kuu ambalo daktari wa rais, Dk. Peter Mfisi, hajalijibu.
Na ingawa tunajua kuwa afya ya mgonjwa ni siri yake na daktari wake, kwa kuwa Dk. Mfisi amepewa ruhusa na mteja wake (rais) kutangaza taarifa hiyo, alipaswa kujua kwamba ripoti yake ingeibua maswali mengine yaliyofichika.
Kwanza, wapo wanaosema amekwenda mbali kuliko alikopaswa; kwamba ingetosha tu yeye kutoa tamko kwamba rais anaumwa nini, au kwamba haumwi bali amezidiwa kutokana na uchovu tu.
Kauli hiyo pekee kutoka kwa daktari wa rais ingekuwa na uzito wa kutosha, na labda ingeibua maswali machache zaidi.
Pili, uungwana wa kawaida unatulazimisha kukubaliana na daktari, maana sisi hatuna taarifa za ziada.
Lakini kwa kuwa daktari na mteja wake wamewasiliana na sisi kwa kutumia taarifa ya kisiasa kupitia vyombo vya habari; wala hakuna mwanahabari au mwana taaluma mwingine aliyeonyeshwa faili la afya ya rais, wananchi wana haki ya kuendelea kujadili suala hili na kuhoji maswali zaidi, hata yanayoudhi. Tusiwachukie. Tuwavumilie.
Hili la kuchoka na kuzidiwa si kosa binafsi la rais, bali ni la wasaidizi wake, ingawa naye ana uamuzi wa kufanya au kuacha jambo lolote analopangiwa. Washauri wa rais katika fani mbalimbali lazima walinde heshima yao kwa kuzingatia kwamba wao ni wataalamu wa maeneo husika.
Rais anapaswa awasikilize wao wanapomshauri kwa kuwa ndio wataalamu aliowateua au aliokabidhiwa. Ni makosa makubwa rais kudhani kwamba wataalamu waliomzunguka ni matarishi wa kumbebea mafaili na kuimba vibwagizo vyake kwa madhumuni ya kisiasa.
Yeye mwenyewe amekiri kwamba walimshauri akawagomea. Tungetarajia mambo mawili: kwanza, wataalamu hao wangelinda heshima ya taaluma zao kwa kujiuzulu kazi, kwa sababu hawana sababu ya kufanya kazi ya kumshauri kiongozi asiyeshaurika. Hawana kazi ya kufanya Ikulu.
Pili, baada ya tukio la Mwanza, rais alipaswa awawajibishe, kwamba wameshindwa kummudu na kumlindia afya na heshima mbele ya umma.
Bahati mbaya, kama ilivyo kawaida yake, badala ya kuwawajibisha kwa kumfedhehesha, amewatetea!
Wamepata bahati ile ile wanayofaidi mafisadi wanaocheka vizuri na wakubwa - kulindwa.
Matarajio yetu ni kwamba wasaidizi wamejifunza, lakini wajue bado wananchi wanahoji: Kama rais ni mzima kiasi tulichoelezwa, mbona anazidiwa na kuanguka? Kama ni uchovu tu, na kama wanasema wamejifunza, watatuambia nini iwapo rais atazidiwa tena hadharani kwa mara ya nne?
Imetokea. Sasa wana majibu? Bado wasaidizi wako Ikulu wanakula kuku?
Monday, August 16, 2010
UCHAKACHUAJI WA UCHAGUZI TANZANIA 2010
IMEINGIZWA HUMU TAREHE 17/8/2010.
Ismail Jussa
Nadhani ukiweka ushabiki wako pembeni, na ukawa objective kidogo tu, utaona kuwa kama kuna haja ya kuungana mkono basi Slaa na Chadema ndiyo waliopaswa kumuunga mkono Prof. Lipumba na CUF. Hoja zangu ni hizi
1. Kwanza Prof. Lipumba is more... competent and more exposed in both local and international affairs and leadership than Slaa whose experience is merely of a whistleblower;
2. CUF ni chama cha kitaifa wakati Chadema iko Tanganyika tu;
3. Kwa performance ya kisayansi na si ya kukusanya watu kwa helikopta, CUF ina nguvu zaidi Bara na Zanzibar, kigezo ni kila uchaguzi CUF imekuwa mara zote inashika nafasi ya chama cha pili na hivyo kukipa sifa ya kuwa chama mbadala - angalia matokeo hata ya uchaguzi wa serikali za mitaa, vijiji na vitongoji ambapo pamoja na magazeti kuibeba sana Chadema, bado CUF imeshika nafasi ya pili (kumbuka huu uchaguzi ulikuwa Bara peke yake);
4. CUF imejijenga kitaasisi na kuweza kuwa stable party na kufanya maamuzi kwa utaratibu unaoleweka na ndiyo maana kina-manage migogoro ya ndani kwa njia za kikatiba na zinazoeleweka wakati Chadema kinaendeshwa na familia moja na zaidi Mtei/Mbowe. mfano mzuri wa kukosekana institutional framework na operationalisation ya Chadema ni ukweli kwamba kila kikifanya chaguzi za bawacha, bavicha etc zinavurugika kwa kukosa mwelekeo na mwongozo na kutawaliwa na matakwa binafsi ya baadhi ya viongozi;
5. Chadema kimeshindwa kujivua gamba la ukabila na udini na sasa ndiyo kinazidi kutopea huko wakati CUF imetanda kila pembe ya Tanzania;
6. CUF kina mtandao wa chama wenye muundo uliokamilika wa uongozi uliojipanga kitaasisi wakati Chadema hakina muundo na huishia kuokota wajumbe wa vikao mitaani kupata uhalali wa vikao;
7. CUF kimeonyesha umakini mkubwa katika uongozi na hata katika Kambi ya Upinzani Bungeni kimeonyesha ukomavu tofauti na Chadema ambao hata wale wabunge wake 11 tu wanashindwa kuelewana;
8. CUF kina misingi ya kidemokrasia na ndiyo maana hata Prof. Safari aliachiwa kushindana kwa uwazi na Prof. Lipumba kwenye nafasi ya Uenyekiti wakati Chadema kina uongozi wa kiimla wa muasisi wa Chama mwenye uwezo wa kumuengua mgombea Uenyekiti ili mkwewe apite bila ya kupingwa;
9. CUF kinaeleweka kiitikadi na kisera kuwa chama cha kiliberali na kimebakia hivyo katika historia yake yote ya miaka 18 wakati Chadema hakijitambui - kilianza kuwa mwanachama wa uliberali (Liberal International) na kuishia kujiunga na mtandao wa vyama vya kihafidhina ulimwenguni (International Democrats Union). Hata viongozi wake wako wanojiita capitalists, wengine wanasema ni liberals na wengine wanajiita social democrats. Kikishinda uchaguzi kitaongoza kwa itikadi na sera ipi? Hata chenyewe hakijitambui - kimejiunga na mtandao wa vyama vya mrengo wa kulia (Uhafidhina waliko Republicans, Conservatives, Christian Democrats, Likud etc) lakini Katiba yake inadai ni chama cha mrengo wa kati ambao ungepaswa kuwa ni Centrist - Liberal).
10. Na kutokana na sababu hizo zote nimalizie kwa kuweka hitimisho ambalo ni nukta ya
(1) Tiketi ya Lipumba/Juma Duni ni tiketi imara na yenye nguvu kiuongozi na kiuwezo ukilinganisha na ile ya Slaa/Said Mzee. Kwa hoja hizi chache tu kutokana na ufinyu wa nafasi na muda, nadhani utakubaliana na mimi kuwa ni Chadema iliyopaswa kuiunga mkono CUF mpaka hapo Chadema itapoweza kukua na kuwa na hadhi ya chama cha siasa badala ya kuwa kampuni ya Mtei and family" mwisho wa kunukuu. Nadhani tujielekeze kwenye hoja hizo na tusiishie kwa kutoa lugha za matusi ambazo ni dalili ya kuishiwa hoja na nguvu. competent and more exposed in both local and international affairs and leadership than Slaa whose experience is merely of a whistleblower;
(2) CUF ni chama cha kitaifa wakati Chadema iko Tanganyika tu;
(3) Kwa performance ya kisayansi na si ya kukusanya watu kwa helikopta, CUF ina nguvu zaidi Bara na Zanzibar, kigezo ni kila uchaguzi CUF imekuwa mara zote inashika nafasi ya chama cha pili na hivyo kukipa sifa ya kuwa chama mbadala - angalia matokeo hata ya uchaguzi wa serikali za mitaa, vijiji na vitongoji ambapo pamoja na magazeti kuibeba sana Chadema, bado CUF imeshika nafasi ya pili (kumbuka huu uchaguzi ulikuwa Bara peke yake);
(4) CUF imejijenga kitaasisi na kuweza kuwa stable party na kufanya maamuzi kwa utaratibu unaoleweka na ndiyo maana kina-manage migogoro ya ndani kwa njia za kikatiba na zinazoeleweka wakati Chadema kinaendeshwa na familia moja na zaidi Mtei/Mbowe. mfano mzuri wa kukosekana institutional framework na operationalisation ya Chadema ni ukweli kwamba kila kikifanya chaguzi za bawacha, bavicha etc zinavurugika kwa kukosa mwelekeo na mwongozo na kutawaliwa na matakwa binafsi ya baadhi ya viongozi;
(5) Chadema kimeshindwa kujivua gamba la ukabila na udini na sasa ndiyo kinazidi kutopea huko wakati CUF imetanda kila pembe ya Tanzania;
(6) CUF kina mtandao wa chama wenye muundo uliokamilika wa uongozi uliojipanga kitaasisi wakati Chadema hakina muundo na huishia kuokota wajumbe wa vikao mitaani kupata uhalali wa vikao;
(7) CUF kimeonyesha umakini mkubwa katika uongozi na hata katika Kambi ya Upinzani Bungeni kimeonyesha ukomavu tofauti na Chadema ambao hata wale wabunge wake 11 tu wanashindwa kuelewana;
(8) CUF kina misingi ya kidemokrasia na ndiyo maana hata Prof. Safari aliachiwa kushindana kwa uwazi na Prof. Lipumba kwenye nafasi ya Uenyekiti wakati Chadema kina uongozi wa kiimla wa muasisi wa Chama mwenye uwezo wa kumuengua mgombea Uenyekiti ili mkwewe apite bila ya kupingwa;
(9) CUF kinaeleweka kiitikadi na kisera kuwa chama cha kiliberali na kimebakia hivyo katika historia yake yote ya miaka 18 wakati Chadema hakijitambui - kilianza kuwa mwanachama wa uliberali (Liberal International) na kuishia kujiunga na mtandao wa vyama vya kihafidhina ulimwenguni (International Democrats Union). Hata viongozi wake wako wanojiita capitalists, wengine wanasema ni liberals na wengine wanajiita social democrats. Kikishinda uchaguzi kitaongoza kwa itikadi na sera ipi? Hata chenyewe hakijitambui - kimejiunga na mtandao wa vyama vya mrengo wa kulia (Uhafidhina waliko Republicans, Conservatives, Christian Democrats, Likud etc) lakini Katiba yake inadai ni chama cha mrengo wa kati ambao ungepaswa kuwa ni Centrist - Liberal). Na kutokana na sababu hizo zote nimalizie kwa kuweka hitimisho ambalo ni nukta ya
(10) Tiketi ya Lipumba/Juma Duni ni tiketi imara na yenye nguvu kiuongozi na kiuwezo ukilinganisha na ile ya Slaa/Said Mzee. Kwa hoja hizi chache tu kutokana na ufinyu wa nafasi na muda, nadhani utakubaliana na mimi kuwa ni Chadema iliyopaswa kuiunga mkono CUF mpaka hapo Chadema itapoweza kukua na kuwa na hadhi ya chama cha siasa badala ya kuwa kampuni ya Mtei and family" mwisho wa kunukuu. Nadhani tujielekeze kwenye hoja hizo na tusiishie kwa kutoa lugha za matusi ambazo ni dalili ya kuishiwa hoja na nguvu.
Ismail Jussa
Nadhani ukiweka ushabiki wako pembeni, na ukawa objective kidogo tu, utaona kuwa kama kuna haja ya kuungana mkono basi Slaa na Chadema ndiyo waliopaswa kumuunga mkono Prof. Lipumba na CUF. Hoja zangu ni hizi
1. Kwanza Prof. Lipumba is more... competent and more exposed in both local and international affairs and leadership than Slaa whose experience is merely of a whistleblower;
2. CUF ni chama cha kitaifa wakati Chadema iko Tanganyika tu;
3. Kwa performance ya kisayansi na si ya kukusanya watu kwa helikopta, CUF ina nguvu zaidi Bara na Zanzibar, kigezo ni kila uchaguzi CUF imekuwa mara zote inashika nafasi ya chama cha pili na hivyo kukipa sifa ya kuwa chama mbadala - angalia matokeo hata ya uchaguzi wa serikali za mitaa, vijiji na vitongoji ambapo pamoja na magazeti kuibeba sana Chadema, bado CUF imeshika nafasi ya pili (kumbuka huu uchaguzi ulikuwa Bara peke yake);
4. CUF imejijenga kitaasisi na kuweza kuwa stable party na kufanya maamuzi kwa utaratibu unaoleweka na ndiyo maana kina-manage migogoro ya ndani kwa njia za kikatiba na zinazoeleweka wakati Chadema kinaendeshwa na familia moja na zaidi Mtei/Mbowe. mfano mzuri wa kukosekana institutional framework na operationalisation ya Chadema ni ukweli kwamba kila kikifanya chaguzi za bawacha, bavicha etc zinavurugika kwa kukosa mwelekeo na mwongozo na kutawaliwa na matakwa binafsi ya baadhi ya viongozi;
5. Chadema kimeshindwa kujivua gamba la ukabila na udini na sasa ndiyo kinazidi kutopea huko wakati CUF imetanda kila pembe ya Tanzania;
6. CUF kina mtandao wa chama wenye muundo uliokamilika wa uongozi uliojipanga kitaasisi wakati Chadema hakina muundo na huishia kuokota wajumbe wa vikao mitaani kupata uhalali wa vikao;
7. CUF kimeonyesha umakini mkubwa katika uongozi na hata katika Kambi ya Upinzani Bungeni kimeonyesha ukomavu tofauti na Chadema ambao hata wale wabunge wake 11 tu wanashindwa kuelewana;
8. CUF kina misingi ya kidemokrasia na ndiyo maana hata Prof. Safari aliachiwa kushindana kwa uwazi na Prof. Lipumba kwenye nafasi ya Uenyekiti wakati Chadema kina uongozi wa kiimla wa muasisi wa Chama mwenye uwezo wa kumuengua mgombea Uenyekiti ili mkwewe apite bila ya kupingwa;
9. CUF kinaeleweka kiitikadi na kisera kuwa chama cha kiliberali na kimebakia hivyo katika historia yake yote ya miaka 18 wakati Chadema hakijitambui - kilianza kuwa mwanachama wa uliberali (Liberal International) na kuishia kujiunga na mtandao wa vyama vya kihafidhina ulimwenguni (International Democrats Union). Hata viongozi wake wako wanojiita capitalists, wengine wanasema ni liberals na wengine wanajiita social democrats. Kikishinda uchaguzi kitaongoza kwa itikadi na sera ipi? Hata chenyewe hakijitambui - kimejiunga na mtandao wa vyama vya mrengo wa kulia (Uhafidhina waliko Republicans, Conservatives, Christian Democrats, Likud etc) lakini Katiba yake inadai ni chama cha mrengo wa kati ambao ungepaswa kuwa ni Centrist - Liberal).
10. Na kutokana na sababu hizo zote nimalizie kwa kuweka hitimisho ambalo ni nukta ya
(1) Tiketi ya Lipumba/Juma Duni ni tiketi imara na yenye nguvu kiuongozi na kiuwezo ukilinganisha na ile ya Slaa/Said Mzee. Kwa hoja hizi chache tu kutokana na ufinyu wa nafasi na muda, nadhani utakubaliana na mimi kuwa ni Chadema iliyopaswa kuiunga mkono CUF mpaka hapo Chadema itapoweza kukua na kuwa na hadhi ya chama cha siasa badala ya kuwa kampuni ya Mtei and family" mwisho wa kunukuu. Nadhani tujielekeze kwenye hoja hizo na tusiishie kwa kutoa lugha za matusi ambazo ni dalili ya kuishiwa hoja na nguvu. competent and more exposed in both local and international affairs and leadership than Slaa whose experience is merely of a whistleblower;
(2) CUF ni chama cha kitaifa wakati Chadema iko Tanganyika tu;
(3) Kwa performance ya kisayansi na si ya kukusanya watu kwa helikopta, CUF ina nguvu zaidi Bara na Zanzibar, kigezo ni kila uchaguzi CUF imekuwa mara zote inashika nafasi ya chama cha pili na hivyo kukipa sifa ya kuwa chama mbadala - angalia matokeo hata ya uchaguzi wa serikali za mitaa, vijiji na vitongoji ambapo pamoja na magazeti kuibeba sana Chadema, bado CUF imeshika nafasi ya pili (kumbuka huu uchaguzi ulikuwa Bara peke yake);
(4) CUF imejijenga kitaasisi na kuweza kuwa stable party na kufanya maamuzi kwa utaratibu unaoleweka na ndiyo maana kina-manage migogoro ya ndani kwa njia za kikatiba na zinazoeleweka wakati Chadema kinaendeshwa na familia moja na zaidi Mtei/Mbowe. mfano mzuri wa kukosekana institutional framework na operationalisation ya Chadema ni ukweli kwamba kila kikifanya chaguzi za bawacha, bavicha etc zinavurugika kwa kukosa mwelekeo na mwongozo na kutawaliwa na matakwa binafsi ya baadhi ya viongozi;
(5) Chadema kimeshindwa kujivua gamba la ukabila na udini na sasa ndiyo kinazidi kutopea huko wakati CUF imetanda kila pembe ya Tanzania;
(6) CUF kina mtandao wa chama wenye muundo uliokamilika wa uongozi uliojipanga kitaasisi wakati Chadema hakina muundo na huishia kuokota wajumbe wa vikao mitaani kupata uhalali wa vikao;
(7) CUF kimeonyesha umakini mkubwa katika uongozi na hata katika Kambi ya Upinzani Bungeni kimeonyesha ukomavu tofauti na Chadema ambao hata wale wabunge wake 11 tu wanashindwa kuelewana;
(8) CUF kina misingi ya kidemokrasia na ndiyo maana hata Prof. Safari aliachiwa kushindana kwa uwazi na Prof. Lipumba kwenye nafasi ya Uenyekiti wakati Chadema kina uongozi wa kiimla wa muasisi wa Chama mwenye uwezo wa kumuengua mgombea Uenyekiti ili mkwewe apite bila ya kupingwa;
(9) CUF kinaeleweka kiitikadi na kisera kuwa chama cha kiliberali na kimebakia hivyo katika historia yake yote ya miaka 18 wakati Chadema hakijitambui - kilianza kuwa mwanachama wa uliberali (Liberal International) na kuishia kujiunga na mtandao wa vyama vya kihafidhina ulimwenguni (International Democrats Union). Hata viongozi wake wako wanojiita capitalists, wengine wanasema ni liberals na wengine wanajiita social democrats. Kikishinda uchaguzi kitaongoza kwa itikadi na sera ipi? Hata chenyewe hakijitambui - kimejiunga na mtandao wa vyama vya mrengo wa kulia (Uhafidhina waliko Republicans, Conservatives, Christian Democrats, Likud etc) lakini Katiba yake inadai ni chama cha mrengo wa kati ambao ungepaswa kuwa ni Centrist - Liberal). Na kutokana na sababu hizo zote nimalizie kwa kuweka hitimisho ambalo ni nukta ya
(10) Tiketi ya Lipumba/Juma Duni ni tiketi imara na yenye nguvu kiuongozi na kiuwezo ukilinganisha na ile ya Slaa/Said Mzee. Kwa hoja hizi chache tu kutokana na ufinyu wa nafasi na muda, nadhani utakubaliana na mimi kuwa ni Chadema iliyopaswa kuiunga mkono CUF mpaka hapo Chadema itapoweza kukua na kuwa na hadhi ya chama cha siasa badala ya kuwa kampuni ya Mtei and family" mwisho wa kunukuu. Nadhani tujielekeze kwenye hoja hizo na tusiishie kwa kutoa lugha za matusi ambazo ni dalili ya kuishiwa hoja na nguvu.
Friday, August 13, 2010
Source: The Guardian, Tanzania.
US firm chooses Mbeya cocoa beans for its chocolate
By Beatrice Philemon 10th August 2010
Cocoa Beans
Askinosie Chocolate, a US company from Missouri, has chosen Tanzania as origin of its cocoa beans for its chocolate and will source it directly from farmers in an unexpected twist of the Tanzania Tourist Board (TTB) marketing campaigns started earlier this year.
A report issued by the TTB Director of Marketing, Amant Macha, says Doug Pitt, the Goodwill Tanzania’s ambassador in the US arrives in Tanzania this week accompanied by 13 juniors from Springfield’s Central High School who are part of Askinosie Chocolate’s neighbourhood outreach programme called Cocoa Honors.
The guests will be in the country for seven days in a trip which will combine tourism and a search for good chocolate.
Macha says Pitt told him he decided to bring the students along so that they can understand the African cocoa industry. The students’ team comes to Tanzania accompanied by Askinosie Chocolate founder, Shawn Askinosie, who says he wants to start sourcing coco beans directly from farmers.
The Americans will meet UWATE farmers at Tenende in Kyela District and drill deep water wells for domestic use at the village and for irrigation.
The chocolate is to be labeled authentic from single origin, Macha said noting that Askinosie Chocolate is a small batch chocolate manufacturer located in Springfield Missouri, with a tradition of sourcing cocoa beans 100 per cent directly from farmers in different countries of the world.
“As ambassador I’m excited to announce this partnership and I am thankful to Shawn Askinoise and Askinosie Chocolate’s cocoa honours programme for choosing Tanzania as the site for its newest cocoa origin,” Doug Pitt was quoted as telling TTB officials.
Instrumental in Askinosie Chocolate’s selection of Tanzania as its newest source of cocoa beans was Springfield philanthropist Doug Pitt in a partnership that marks one of his first initiatives as Tanzania’s goodwill ambassador.
“The move creates opportunities for Tanzania and its people,” Pit said.
“In addition to meeting the source of their newest cocoa bean farming first–hand, the youths will also be drilling a well which help provide potable water to around 2,000 Tenende citizens, and will distribute samples of processed chocolate to school children. Some of the children have never tasted processed chocolate in their lives, despite the fact that the community produces cocoa beans,” he said.
On the other hand, Shawn Askinosie added that “this event is a taste of what is to come in the future, to do with developing sustainable ventures throughout Tanzania”.
“As a firm, we are excited that we are able to impact future generations and utilise the country’s rich resources combined with enterprising residents to create a winning scenario for all of us,” he is quoted as saying.
“We normally travel to regions of Mexico, Ecuador and Philippines to work directly with farmers and source cocoa beans for his chocolate,” he said.
SOURCE: THE GUARDIAN
US firm chooses Mbeya cocoa beans for its chocolate
By Beatrice Philemon 10th August 2010
Cocoa Beans
Askinosie Chocolate, a US company from Missouri, has chosen Tanzania as origin of its cocoa beans for its chocolate and will source it directly from farmers in an unexpected twist of the Tanzania Tourist Board (TTB) marketing campaigns started earlier this year.
A report issued by the TTB Director of Marketing, Amant Macha, says Doug Pitt, the Goodwill Tanzania’s ambassador in the US arrives in Tanzania this week accompanied by 13 juniors from Springfield’s Central High School who are part of Askinosie Chocolate’s neighbourhood outreach programme called Cocoa Honors.
The guests will be in the country for seven days in a trip which will combine tourism and a search for good chocolate.
Macha says Pitt told him he decided to bring the students along so that they can understand the African cocoa industry. The students’ team comes to Tanzania accompanied by Askinosie Chocolate founder, Shawn Askinosie, who says he wants to start sourcing coco beans directly from farmers.
The Americans will meet UWATE farmers at Tenende in Kyela District and drill deep water wells for domestic use at the village and for irrigation.
The chocolate is to be labeled authentic from single origin, Macha said noting that Askinosie Chocolate is a small batch chocolate manufacturer located in Springfield Missouri, with a tradition of sourcing cocoa beans 100 per cent directly from farmers in different countries of the world.
“As ambassador I’m excited to announce this partnership and I am thankful to Shawn Askinoise and Askinosie Chocolate’s cocoa honours programme for choosing Tanzania as the site for its newest cocoa origin,” Doug Pitt was quoted as telling TTB officials.
Instrumental in Askinosie Chocolate’s selection of Tanzania as its newest source of cocoa beans was Springfield philanthropist Doug Pitt in a partnership that marks one of his first initiatives as Tanzania’s goodwill ambassador.
“The move creates opportunities for Tanzania and its people,” Pit said.
“In addition to meeting the source of their newest cocoa bean farming first–hand, the youths will also be drilling a well which help provide potable water to around 2,000 Tenende citizens, and will distribute samples of processed chocolate to school children. Some of the children have never tasted processed chocolate in their lives, despite the fact that the community produces cocoa beans,” he said.
On the other hand, Shawn Askinosie added that “this event is a taste of what is to come in the future, to do with developing sustainable ventures throughout Tanzania”.
“As a firm, we are excited that we are able to impact future generations and utilise the country’s rich resources combined with enterprising residents to create a winning scenario for all of us,” he is quoted as saying.
“We normally travel to regions of Mexico, Ecuador and Philippines to work directly with farmers and source cocoa beans for his chocolate,” he said.
SOURCE: THE GUARDIAN
Monday, August 2, 2010
CHIEF JUSTICE DEFENDS COURT OF APPEAL DECISION ON INDEPENDENT CANDIDATES
Chief Justice: Independent candidate verdict valid
BY DOMINIC NKOLIMWAm THE GUARDIAN,TANZANIA,31st July 2010
Chief Justice Augustino Ramadhani addresses a ``Change Your Destiny Conference`` at the University of Dar es Salaam`s Mabibo Hostel grounds yesterday. (Photo: Khalfan Said)
Chief Justice Augustino Ramadhani has said the Court of Appeal was not influenced by the government in its recent ruling on the independent candidate case.
The CJ made the clarification shortly after addressing an international religious conference attended by students from various higher learning institutions. It was held at Dar es Salaam University (UDSM) Mabibo Hostel.
Responding to reporters’ questions, Chief Justice said the panel of the Appeal Court reached the decision on the independent candidate case without any influence from the government.
In its ruling, the Appeal Court said it had no jurisdiction to determine the case on the independent candidate, “as the matter was not a legal but a political one, which should be settled by the Parliament and not courts.”
“But what I want to clarify here is that the court made its decision in accordance with the laws of the country,” he said, adding: “It is true the matter drew public attention and most of the people did not expect the outcome of the case. But the public must understand that the government did not influence the court.”
According to CJ Ramadhani, the President had never called him or any member of the Appeal Court panel with the intention of trying to twist proceedings of the court.
He criticised the media for blindly reporting the issue of private candidates without clearly understanding what the law said about it.
“The media failed to understand that such a matter is a political issue, which should be settled by the Parliament and not courts of law. Sending the matter to the Parliament was a wise decision,” Ramadhani explained.
He noted that the mater was now in the hands of the State Attorney who is supposed to present it to the Parliament, which had powers of effecting amendments to the country’s Constitution. “It is not the duty of the court to change articles of the Constitution,” he said.
The recent ruling by the Appeal Court has sparked debate with lawyers, politicians and academicians challenging the decision as unfair.
Lawyers, who met in Dar es Salaam recently to discuss the issue, called on the judiciary to revisit its ruling.
They made the call in Dar es Salaam at a roundtable consultation organised by the Tanganyika Law Society with the theme: “The Court of Appeal Judgment in the Attorney General and Christopher Mtikila ramifications, rule of law and international justice in Tanzania”.
Prof Gamaliel Mgongo Fimbo, a long-serving lawyer and law lecturer, described as “a disaster” the June 17 Court of Appeal ruling that the issue of allowing or blocking the participation of private candidates in the country’s elections could only be conclusively dealt with by the Parliament.
Other panel members were Eusebia Munuo, January Msoffe, Natalia Kimaro, Mbaruku Mbaruku, Bernard Luanda and Sauda Mjasiri.
Declaring that the issue was political and not legal, the judges quashed and set aside an earlier High Court ruling allowing private candidates to run for office in civic, legislative and presidential elections.
BY DOMINIC NKOLIMWAm THE GUARDIAN,TANZANIA,31st July 2010
Chief Justice Augustino Ramadhani addresses a ``Change Your Destiny Conference`` at the University of Dar es Salaam`s Mabibo Hostel grounds yesterday. (Photo: Khalfan Said)
Chief Justice Augustino Ramadhani has said the Court of Appeal was not influenced by the government in its recent ruling on the independent candidate case.
The CJ made the clarification shortly after addressing an international religious conference attended by students from various higher learning institutions. It was held at Dar es Salaam University (UDSM) Mabibo Hostel.
Responding to reporters’ questions, Chief Justice said the panel of the Appeal Court reached the decision on the independent candidate case without any influence from the government.
In its ruling, the Appeal Court said it had no jurisdiction to determine the case on the independent candidate, “as the matter was not a legal but a political one, which should be settled by the Parliament and not courts.”
“But what I want to clarify here is that the court made its decision in accordance with the laws of the country,” he said, adding: “It is true the matter drew public attention and most of the people did not expect the outcome of the case. But the public must understand that the government did not influence the court.”
According to CJ Ramadhani, the President had never called him or any member of the Appeal Court panel with the intention of trying to twist proceedings of the court.
He criticised the media for blindly reporting the issue of private candidates without clearly understanding what the law said about it.
“The media failed to understand that such a matter is a political issue, which should be settled by the Parliament and not courts of law. Sending the matter to the Parliament was a wise decision,” Ramadhani explained.
He noted that the mater was now in the hands of the State Attorney who is supposed to present it to the Parliament, which had powers of effecting amendments to the country’s Constitution. “It is not the duty of the court to change articles of the Constitution,” he said.
The recent ruling by the Appeal Court has sparked debate with lawyers, politicians and academicians challenging the decision as unfair.
Lawyers, who met in Dar es Salaam recently to discuss the issue, called on the judiciary to revisit its ruling.
They made the call in Dar es Salaam at a roundtable consultation organised by the Tanganyika Law Society with the theme: “The Court of Appeal Judgment in the Attorney General and Christopher Mtikila ramifications, rule of law and international justice in Tanzania”.
Prof Gamaliel Mgongo Fimbo, a long-serving lawyer and law lecturer, described as “a disaster” the June 17 Court of Appeal ruling that the issue of allowing or blocking the participation of private candidates in the country’s elections could only be conclusively dealt with by the Parliament.
Other panel members were Eusebia Munuo, January Msoffe, Natalia Kimaro, Mbaruku Mbaruku, Bernard Luanda and Sauda Mjasiri.
Declaring that the issue was political and not legal, the judges quashed and set aside an earlier High Court ruling allowing private candidates to run for office in civic, legislative and presidential elections.
Thursday, July 29, 2010
SABABU MIA MOJA ZA KUMREJESHA KAGAME MADARAKANI
KAGAME AFAGILIWA NA WANYARWANDA
"100 Reasons to Re-elect Paul Kagame"
1. Education
1. Ensuring 9-Year Basic Education for all Rwandan children that will tremendously improve literacy levels in the country
2. A promise to have Universal Secondary Education by 2017
3. Making education accessible by all with no segregations, particularly promoting Girls' and Special Needs' education
4. Encouraging parents and communities' involvement in education
5. Introducing English as medium of instruction in schools to make Rwanda more competitive on the global stage
6. Creating 14 new Higher Learning Institutions, almost tripling Higher Education enrolment in 7 year years
7. Providing scholarships to the best and brightest Rwandan students to pursue their studies in the best universities of Europe and North America;
8. Promising to achieve 100% literacy by 2017 through effective adult education;
9. Introducing technology in schools starting with primary schools under the 'One Laptop Per Child' program
10. Increasing the number of qualified teachers at all levels of education through effective distance learning and in-service training and remunerating them adequately.
2. Health
1. Raising the life expectancy in Rwanda from 43 to 53 years;
2. Introducing 6 types of health insurance including the famous "Mutuelle de Santé" resulting in a health insurance coverage of 94% of the population;
3. Introducing universal immunisation programmes;
4. Introducing health awareness programs;
5. Reducing deaths from malaria by 75%;
6. Reducing infant mortality by 70%;
7. Reducing HIV infections from 9 percent to 2%;
8. Building a clinic in every sector;
9. Reducing water-borne diseases by 60%;
10. Ensuring that more doctors and nurses are trained and deployed evenly across the country
3. Justice
1. Trying over 1,100,000 cases in the Gacaca court system;
2. Undertaking a complete restructuring of the justice sector;
3. Introducing many laws for different sectors that brings orderliness in State functioning;
4. Releasing over 80,000 genocide convicts safely into the community while ensuring law and order in the society;
5. Making convicted prisoners give back to society through work schemes;
6. Building over 100 new courts of law;
7. Training over 300 new judges;
8. Creating an independent judicially and an independent Judge selection process;
9. Promoting local mediation services to reduce backlog of court cases;
10. Introducing the commercial courts and streamlining the justice system by merging the administration process;
4. Agriculture
1. Introducing crop intensification programme and boosting agricultural production by 10 percent annually;
2. Introducing the cooperative system to buy produce from farmers;
3. Diversifying the crops cultivated through sensitisation;
4. Significantly reducing poverty and mal-nutrition through the one cow per family: "the Girinka" programme;
5. Introducing a phone text service that can inform farmers of the latest crop prices
6. Making subsidized seeds and fertilizers available on credit;
7. Promoting mechanised agriculture through a scheme of 1 tractor per village
8. Making veterinarians more widely spread across the country
9. Introducing irrigation farming
10. Making 'hunger' a history in our country
5. Economy
1. Increasing average earnings of Rwandans from $220 to $560 in 7 years!
2. Strengthening the private sector and streamlining doing business in Rwanda;
3. Increasing the tax base and total revenue collected domestically ;
4. Promoting credit to small to medium sized enterprises;
5. Increasing domestic funding of government to development projects in national budget from 10% to 50%;
6. Promoting transparency by fighting corruption;
7. Diversifying the economy by promoting new sectors like mining and tourism;
8. Promoting foreign direct investment to nearly $1 billion annually;
9. Making poverty-reduction the hallmark of economic development;
10. Cutting down on government expenditure through initiatives like reducing on the number of government vehicles;
6. Security
1. Making Rwanda one of the safest places in the world
2. Devolving security responsibility down to the local level
3. Reducing crime through local initiatives
4. Professionalising the Army and integrating former hostile elements
5. Fighting impunity and corruption in the army and hence cementing discipline
6. Sending Rwandan soldiers and Police officers to keep peace in war ravaged places like Darfur, Haiti, Liberia, etc.
7. Introducing electronic ID cards to all adults
8. Instituting a police force that is disciplined and highly professional
9. Establishing a credit scheme for the Army and Police
10. Making peace with neighbours like Democratic Republic of Congo
7. Foreign policy
1. Making Rwanda a respected partner in regional and international affairs
2. Improving Rwanda's relations with former hostile nations like France and DRC
3. Making Rwanda one of the biggest contributors of peace-keepers in the UN
4. Working tirelessly to track and prosecute Genocide suspects
5. Joining the East African Community and the Commonwealth
6. Being one of the foremost advocates of fully integrated EAC
7. Relentlessly promoting Rwanda abroad and expanding her relations to countries such as Australia, Singapore, South Korea, etc.
8. Chairing powerful global initiatives like the UN MDGs and the ITU Broadband Commission and serving on the Advisory board of the World Bank.
9. Creating special friends for Rwanda that have always defended our cause.
10. Refusing to be bullied by the west and always insisting on an equal voice for Africa on the global scene.
8. Technology
1. Making ICT the main focus of our long-term development
2. Making technology integral to government service provision
3. Supporting the one laptop per child policy
4. Laying thousands of kilometres of fibre-optic cables
5. Connecting all government centers to the internet
6. Abolishing import duties on ICT equipment
7. Building one of the best telephone network systems in the region
8. Strongly advocating for undersea cable to land on EA coastline and now eventually in Rwanda
9. Turning Rwanda into an influential country on ICT global issues
10. Emphasising on ICTs in our education programs and setting up institutions to oversee this program
9. Infrastructure
1. Constructing good roads across the country
2. Building communication towers to help link outlying areas
3. Setting up building regulations to improve basic infrastructure
4. Reducing tax on building materials to encourage growth of the industry
5. Bringing electricity to all major areas, with plans to expand it to every village
6. Coming up with a master plan and securing funding for a new international airport
7. Advocating for Isaka railway line which will reduce transport costs
8. Ensuring that Kigali master plan is implemented
9. Building district and sector headquarters nationwide
10. Investing heavily in ICT infrastructure
10. Kagame, the man
1. He is a man of principle and values
2. He is pragmatic and ready to make tough choices in the interest of his country
3. He promises and delivers
4. He is patriotic and wants the best for Rwandans
5. He is a visionary and inspirational leader
6. He is intelligent, skilful and innovative
7. He is a humble man who does not value personal gains
8. He is not a man to bully and he is never shaken by circumstances
9. He has a humble background that shapes his character as a down-to-earth leader
10. He is a family man and cherishes family values
"You Do Not Change a Winning Team"
"100 Reasons to Re-elect Paul Kagame"
1. Education
1. Ensuring 9-Year Basic Education for all Rwandan children that will tremendously improve literacy levels in the country
2. A promise to have Universal Secondary Education by 2017
3. Making education accessible by all with no segregations, particularly promoting Girls' and Special Needs' education
4. Encouraging parents and communities' involvement in education
5. Introducing English as medium of instruction in schools to make Rwanda more competitive on the global stage
6. Creating 14 new Higher Learning Institutions, almost tripling Higher Education enrolment in 7 year years
7. Providing scholarships to the best and brightest Rwandan students to pursue their studies in the best universities of Europe and North America;
8. Promising to achieve 100% literacy by 2017 through effective adult education;
9. Introducing technology in schools starting with primary schools under the 'One Laptop Per Child' program
10. Increasing the number of qualified teachers at all levels of education through effective distance learning and in-service training and remunerating them adequately.
2. Health
1. Raising the life expectancy in Rwanda from 43 to 53 years;
2. Introducing 6 types of health insurance including the famous "Mutuelle de Santé" resulting in a health insurance coverage of 94% of the population;
3. Introducing universal immunisation programmes;
4. Introducing health awareness programs;
5. Reducing deaths from malaria by 75%;
6. Reducing infant mortality by 70%;
7. Reducing HIV infections from 9 percent to 2%;
8. Building a clinic in every sector;
9. Reducing water-borne diseases by 60%;
10. Ensuring that more doctors and nurses are trained and deployed evenly across the country
3. Justice
1. Trying over 1,100,000 cases in the Gacaca court system;
2. Undertaking a complete restructuring of the justice sector;
3. Introducing many laws for different sectors that brings orderliness in State functioning;
4. Releasing over 80,000 genocide convicts safely into the community while ensuring law and order in the society;
5. Making convicted prisoners give back to society through work schemes;
6. Building over 100 new courts of law;
7. Training over 300 new judges;
8. Creating an independent judicially and an independent Judge selection process;
9. Promoting local mediation services to reduce backlog of court cases;
10. Introducing the commercial courts and streamlining the justice system by merging the administration process;
4. Agriculture
1. Introducing crop intensification programme and boosting agricultural production by 10 percent annually;
2. Introducing the cooperative system to buy produce from farmers;
3. Diversifying the crops cultivated through sensitisation;
4. Significantly reducing poverty and mal-nutrition through the one cow per family: "the Girinka" programme;
5. Introducing a phone text service that can inform farmers of the latest crop prices
6. Making subsidized seeds and fertilizers available on credit;
7. Promoting mechanised agriculture through a scheme of 1 tractor per village
8. Making veterinarians more widely spread across the country
9. Introducing irrigation farming
10. Making 'hunger' a history in our country
5. Economy
1. Increasing average earnings of Rwandans from $220 to $560 in 7 years!
2. Strengthening the private sector and streamlining doing business in Rwanda;
3. Increasing the tax base and total revenue collected domestically ;
4. Promoting credit to small to medium sized enterprises;
5. Increasing domestic funding of government to development projects in national budget from 10% to 50%;
6. Promoting transparency by fighting corruption;
7. Diversifying the economy by promoting new sectors like mining and tourism;
8. Promoting foreign direct investment to nearly $1 billion annually;
9. Making poverty-reduction the hallmark of economic development;
10. Cutting down on government expenditure through initiatives like reducing on the number of government vehicles;
6. Security
1. Making Rwanda one of the safest places in the world
2. Devolving security responsibility down to the local level
3. Reducing crime through local initiatives
4. Professionalising the Army and integrating former hostile elements
5. Fighting impunity and corruption in the army and hence cementing discipline
6. Sending Rwandan soldiers and Police officers to keep peace in war ravaged places like Darfur, Haiti, Liberia, etc.
7. Introducing electronic ID cards to all adults
8. Instituting a police force that is disciplined and highly professional
9. Establishing a credit scheme for the Army and Police
10. Making peace with neighbours like Democratic Republic of Congo
7. Foreign policy
1. Making Rwanda a respected partner in regional and international affairs
2. Improving Rwanda's relations with former hostile nations like France and DRC
3. Making Rwanda one of the biggest contributors of peace-keepers in the UN
4. Working tirelessly to track and prosecute Genocide suspects
5. Joining the East African Community and the Commonwealth
6. Being one of the foremost advocates of fully integrated EAC
7. Relentlessly promoting Rwanda abroad and expanding her relations to countries such as Australia, Singapore, South Korea, etc.
8. Chairing powerful global initiatives like the UN MDGs and the ITU Broadband Commission and serving on the Advisory board of the World Bank.
9. Creating special friends for Rwanda that have always defended our cause.
10. Refusing to be bullied by the west and always insisting on an equal voice for Africa on the global scene.
8. Technology
1. Making ICT the main focus of our long-term development
2. Making technology integral to government service provision
3. Supporting the one laptop per child policy
4. Laying thousands of kilometres of fibre-optic cables
5. Connecting all government centers to the internet
6. Abolishing import duties on ICT equipment
7. Building one of the best telephone network systems in the region
8. Strongly advocating for undersea cable to land on EA coastline and now eventually in Rwanda
9. Turning Rwanda into an influential country on ICT global issues
10. Emphasising on ICTs in our education programs and setting up institutions to oversee this program
9. Infrastructure
1. Constructing good roads across the country
2. Building communication towers to help link outlying areas
3. Setting up building regulations to improve basic infrastructure
4. Reducing tax on building materials to encourage growth of the industry
5. Bringing electricity to all major areas, with plans to expand it to every village
6. Coming up with a master plan and securing funding for a new international airport
7. Advocating for Isaka railway line which will reduce transport costs
8. Ensuring that Kigali master plan is implemented
9. Building district and sector headquarters nationwide
10. Investing heavily in ICT infrastructure
10. Kagame, the man
1. He is a man of principle and values
2. He is pragmatic and ready to make tough choices in the interest of his country
3. He promises and delivers
4. He is patriotic and wants the best for Rwandans
5. He is a visionary and inspirational leader
6. He is intelligent, skilful and innovative
7. He is a humble man who does not value personal gains
8. He is not a man to bully and he is never shaken by circumstances
9. He has a humble background that shapes his character as a down-to-earth leader
10. He is a family man and cherishes family values
"You Do Not Change a Winning Team"
MTU MWEUSI WA KWANZA KUCHAGULIWA URUSI
POSTED HERE ON 29/7/2010.
SOURCE: http://news. yahoo.com/ s/ap/20100725/ ap_on_re_ eu/eu_russia_ black_politician
By KRISTINA NARIZHNAYA, Associated Press Writer Kristina Narizhnaya, Associated Press Writer 2 hrs 22 mins ago -
NOVOZAVIDOVO, Russia – People in this Russian town used to stare at Jean Gregoire Sagbo because they had never seen a black man. Now they say they see in him something equally rare — an honest politician.
Sagbo last month became the first black to be elected to office in Russia.
In a country where racism is entrenched and often violent, Sagbo's election as one of Novozavidovo' s 10 municipal councilors is a milestone. But among the town's 10,000 people, the 48-year-old from the West African country of Benin is viewed simply a Russian who cares about his hometown.
He promises to revive the impoverished, garbage-strewn town where he has lived for 21 years and raised a family. His plans include reducing rampant drug addiction, cleaning up a polluted lake and delivering heating to homes.
"Novozavidovo is dying," Sagbo said in an interview in the ramshackle municipal building. "This is my home, my town. We can't live like this."
"His skin is black but he is Russian inside," said Vyacheslav Arakelov, the mayor. "The way he cares about this place, only a Russian can care."
Sagbo isn't the first black in Russian politics. Another West African, Joaquin Crima of Guinea-Bissau, ran for head of a southern Russian district a year ago but was heavily defeated.
Crima was dubbed by the media "Russia's Obama." Now they've shifted the title to Sagbo, much to his annoyance.
Click image to see more photos of Jean Gregoire Sagbo
AP
"My name is not Obama. It's sensationalism, " he said. "He is black and I am black, but it's a totally different situation."
Inspired by communist ideology, Sagbo came to Soviet Russia in 1982 to study economics in Moscow. There he met his wife, a Novozavidovo native. He moved to the town about 100 kilometers (65 miles) north of Moscow in 1989 to be close to his in-laws.
Today he is a father of two, and negotiates real estate sales for a Moscow conglomerate. His council job is unpaid.
Sagbo says neither he nor his wife wanted him to get into politics, viewing it as a dirty, dangerous business, but the town council and residents persuaded him to run for office.
They already knew him as a man of strong civic impulse. He had cleaned the entrance to his apartment building, planted flowers and spent his own money on street improvements. Ten years ago he organized volunteers and started what became an annual day of collecting garbage.
He said he feels no racism in the town. "I am one of them. I am home here," Sagbo said.
He felt that during his first year in the town, when his 4-year-old son Maxim came home in tears, saying a teenage boy spat at him. Sagbo ran outside in a rage, demanding that the spitter explain himself. Women sitting nearby also berated the teenager. Then the whole street joined in.
Russia's black population hasn't been officially counted but some studies estimate about 40,000 "Afro-Russians. " Many are attracted by universities that are less costly than in the West. Scores of them suffer racially motivated attacks every year — 49 in Moscow alone in 2009, according to the Moscow Protestant Chaplaincy Task Force on Racial Violence and Harassment, an advocacy group.
After the Soviet Union collapsed, Novozavidovo' s industries were rapidly privatized, leaving it in financial ruin.
High unemployment, corruption, alcoholism and pollution blight what was once an idyllic town, just a short distance from the Zavidovo National Park, where Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev take nature retreats.
Denis Voronin, a 33-year-old engineer in Novozavidovo, said Sagbo was the town's first politician to get elected fairly, without resorting to buying votes
"Previous politicians were all criminals," he said.
A former administration head — the equivalent of mayor in rural Russia — was shot to death by unknown assailants two years ago.
The post is now held by Arakelov, a veteran of the Soviet war in Afghanistan who says he also wants to clean up corruption. He says money used to constantly disappear from the town budget and is being investigated by tax police.
Residents say they pay providers for heat and hot water, but because of ineffective monitoring by the municipality they don't get much of either. The toilet in the municipal building is a room with a hole in the floor.
As a councilor, Sagbo has already scored some successes. He mobilized residents to collect money and turn dilapidated lots between buildings into colorful playgrounds with new swings and painted fences.
As he strolled around his neighborhood everyone greeted him and he responded in his fluent, French-African- accented Russian. Boys waved to Sagbo, who had promised them a soccer field.
Sitting in the newly painted playground with her son, Irina Danilenko said it was the only improvement she has seen in the five years she has lived here.
"We don't care about his race," said Danilenko, 31. "We consider him one of us."
__._,_.___
SOURCE: http://news. yahoo.com/ s/ap/20100725/ ap_on_re_ eu/eu_russia_ black_politician
By KRISTINA NARIZHNAYA, Associated Press Writer Kristina Narizhnaya, Associated Press Writer 2 hrs 22 mins ago -
NOVOZAVIDOVO, Russia – People in this Russian town used to stare at Jean Gregoire Sagbo because they had never seen a black man. Now they say they see in him something equally rare — an honest politician.
Sagbo last month became the first black to be elected to office in Russia.
In a country where racism is entrenched and often violent, Sagbo's election as one of Novozavidovo' s 10 municipal councilors is a milestone. But among the town's 10,000 people, the 48-year-old from the West African country of Benin is viewed simply a Russian who cares about his hometown.
He promises to revive the impoverished, garbage-strewn town where he has lived for 21 years and raised a family. His plans include reducing rampant drug addiction, cleaning up a polluted lake and delivering heating to homes.
"Novozavidovo is dying," Sagbo said in an interview in the ramshackle municipal building. "This is my home, my town. We can't live like this."
"His skin is black but he is Russian inside," said Vyacheslav Arakelov, the mayor. "The way he cares about this place, only a Russian can care."
Sagbo isn't the first black in Russian politics. Another West African, Joaquin Crima of Guinea-Bissau, ran for head of a southern Russian district a year ago but was heavily defeated.
Crima was dubbed by the media "Russia's Obama." Now they've shifted the title to Sagbo, much to his annoyance.
Click image to see more photos of Jean Gregoire Sagbo
AP
"My name is not Obama. It's sensationalism, " he said. "He is black and I am black, but it's a totally different situation."
Inspired by communist ideology, Sagbo came to Soviet Russia in 1982 to study economics in Moscow. There he met his wife, a Novozavidovo native. He moved to the town about 100 kilometers (65 miles) north of Moscow in 1989 to be close to his in-laws.
Today he is a father of two, and negotiates real estate sales for a Moscow conglomerate. His council job is unpaid.
Sagbo says neither he nor his wife wanted him to get into politics, viewing it as a dirty, dangerous business, but the town council and residents persuaded him to run for office.
They already knew him as a man of strong civic impulse. He had cleaned the entrance to his apartment building, planted flowers and spent his own money on street improvements. Ten years ago he organized volunteers and started what became an annual day of collecting garbage.
He said he feels no racism in the town. "I am one of them. I am home here," Sagbo said.
He felt that during his first year in the town, when his 4-year-old son Maxim came home in tears, saying a teenage boy spat at him. Sagbo ran outside in a rage, demanding that the spitter explain himself. Women sitting nearby also berated the teenager. Then the whole street joined in.
Russia's black population hasn't been officially counted but some studies estimate about 40,000 "Afro-Russians. " Many are attracted by universities that are less costly than in the West. Scores of them suffer racially motivated attacks every year — 49 in Moscow alone in 2009, according to the Moscow Protestant Chaplaincy Task Force on Racial Violence and Harassment, an advocacy group.
After the Soviet Union collapsed, Novozavidovo' s industries were rapidly privatized, leaving it in financial ruin.
High unemployment, corruption, alcoholism and pollution blight what was once an idyllic town, just a short distance from the Zavidovo National Park, where Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev take nature retreats.
Denis Voronin, a 33-year-old engineer in Novozavidovo, said Sagbo was the town's first politician to get elected fairly, without resorting to buying votes
"Previous politicians were all criminals," he said.
A former administration head — the equivalent of mayor in rural Russia — was shot to death by unknown assailants two years ago.
The post is now held by Arakelov, a veteran of the Soviet war in Afghanistan who says he also wants to clean up corruption. He says money used to constantly disappear from the town budget and is being investigated by tax police.
Residents say they pay providers for heat and hot water, but because of ineffective monitoring by the municipality they don't get much of either. The toilet in the municipal building is a room with a hole in the floor.
As a councilor, Sagbo has already scored some successes. He mobilized residents to collect money and turn dilapidated lots between buildings into colorful playgrounds with new swings and painted fences.
As he strolled around his neighborhood everyone greeted him and he responded in his fluent, French-African- accented Russian. Boys waved to Sagbo, who had promised them a soccer field.
Sitting in the newly painted playground with her son, Irina Danilenko said it was the only improvement she has seen in the five years she has lived here.
"We don't care about his race," said Danilenko, 31. "We consider him one of us."
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